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RICHARD BAIRD SMITH.
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RICHARD BAIRD SMITH.
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RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
T}^'^ Li'.ADER OF iHK Delhi lIj-Rr)F.^ IX 1857.
C(/[.0>/L II. M. VinVRT, K.L.
'^'HIHAI-D CnXSTABLE 1 Co.
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RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
The Leader of the Delhi Heroes in 1857.
Private Correspondence of the Commanding Engineer
during the slege, and other interesting letters
hitherto unpublished.
BY
COLONEL H. M. VIBART, R.E.
AUTHOR OF "aDDISCOMBE: ITS HEROES AND MEN OF
note", and "the military HISTORY OF THE
MADRAS ENGINEERS."
WESTMINSTER
ARCHIBALD CONSTABLE & Co.
1897
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SEP 9 1924 j~
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PREFACE
Nearly forty years have elapsed since the Siege of
Delhi, during the Indian Mutiny in 1857, yet in all
that time very scant justice has been done the memory
of the man who was, above all others, chiefly instru-
mental in the capture of that important city, and this
in spite of all that has been written by Kaye,
Malleson and other historians of the great Mutiny.
It may seem strange that this is so, for the fall of
Delhi in those days meant the collapse of the Mutiny,
but the fact remains that many attempts have been
made to give the credit of this grand success to others
to whom the credit was not due.
The reasons for this desire to obscure the great
merits of the principal actor are difficult to under-
stand — but that the desire existed there can, I think,
be no question. Any unprejudiced person reading
the accounts written by Kaye, Malleson and other
historians could, I think, come to only one conclusion,
viz., that the one man to whom the fall of Delhi
was chiefly due was Colonel Richard Baird Smith.
Yet we find that much has been written ignoring his
great services and attributing his success to others
who, as principals, had but little to do with it.
It now seems necessary that the matter should be
placed before the public properly, and that history
should give honour where it is justly due.
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VI PREFACE
Two and half years ago I published a work on
" Addiscombe: Its Heroes and Men of Note", in
which I gave brief memoirs of some of the most
distinguished men who passed through that college,
and at pages 461 to 470 will be found one of Colonel
Richard Baird Smith, C.B., A.D.C. to the Queen.
In this I related as shortly as possible his brilliant
services at Delhi, remarked on the want of support
from General Wilson, and then said, "It seems clear
that the man to whom the Capture of Delhi was
mostly due was without a doubt, Baird Smith.'* — I
consulted many works on the Indian Mutiny, including
Kaye and Malleson, and had the further advantage of
seeing the private papers of Colonel Baird Smith,
and I consider that I was amply justified in my
strictures on Wilson, and in my eulogy of Baird
Smith.
Knowing what had been written by the "Times"
Special Correspondent and others, I was hardly sur-
prised at receiving nearly two years ago, a letter from a
distinguished officer who held an important position
at the Siege, calling in question my statements regard-
ing General Wilson and Colonel Baird Smith; and
stating there were grave errors in my book injurious
to others, and asking for my authorities. He stated
at the same time that before long he hoped to publish
an account of the Siege. I at once replied giving
him the information he desired. It was clear from
his letter that his view was directly adverse to the
one I had published, and I resolved to await the
publication of his work. Nearly two years have
elapsed, but his book has not yet appeared.
The time has now surely arrived when the matter
should be definitely settled once for all, as to whom the
chief merit of capturing Delhi should be adjudged.
Now to whom are my remarks injurious? I am not
told. I can at present only guess. I presume that
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PREFACE Vn
one of them is Sir Archdale Wilson, and that another
might possibly be Sir Alex. Taylor.
I cannot think of any other to whom allusion may
be intended, unless it is Lord Lawrence, who did
grand service in sending the necessary reinforcements,
without which it would have been impossible to take
Delhi; but nothing that I have said or can say will
injure him.
There were, of course, many men who did splendid
service at the Siege, and without whose help it would
have been impossible to take Delhi, but this in no
way weakens my assertion that the foremost man in
the Siege was Baird Smith.
Amongst the foremost may be mentioned Nicholson,
Chamberlain, Charles Reid, James Brind and other
Artillery officers, — Alexander Taylor and other En-
gineers, — Sir Hope Grant with his Cavalry and Horse
Artillery, and the gallant Hodson, etc. ; but from the
day that Baird Smith joined, to the day he left (3rd
July to 23rd Sept.) "Not a single vital act was done
but under my orders and on my responsibility, and
but for my resolute determination, humanly speaking
there would have been no siege of Delhi at all; and
even that assault, which gave value by its means to
all the exertions that were made, would have ended
in deplorable disaster had I not withstood with eflfect
the desire of General Wilson to withdraw the troops
from the city on the failure of* Brigadier Campbell's
column.** ^
These papers will, I think, show that General Wilson
was hardly equal to the heavy task imposed on him,
and that without such a man as Baird Smith insisting
on his doing what was right in a resolute manner.
General Wilson would have failed to capture Delhi.
H. M. V.
I Colonel Baird Smith's letter to his wife in 1859-60.
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CONTENTS.
PART I,
CHAPTER I Pages i-ii
Baird Smith's career previous to Siege— Irrigation
Department— 1ST Sikh War— Punjab Campaign— Irrigation
Works in Italy— Outbreak of Indian Mutiny— Baird
Smith at Roorkee— Summoned to Delhi— Arrives— Posi-
tion OF Army at Delhi— Brigadier Wilson at Meerut—
Battles on the Hindun— Battle of Badle-ka-Serai—
Army reaches the * Ridge' at Delhi.
CHAPTER IL . . . Pages 12—34
Baird Smith intended to have written a narrative of
THE Siege, but did not complete it— Account of country
AROUND AND IN DeLHI, BY BaIRD SmITH— WoRK OF BaIRD
Smith on reaching Delhi— Impressions made and conclu-
sions arrived at— Interview with Sir Henry Barnard-
Barnard STRICKEN WITH CHOLERA, DIES— HiS CHARACTER—
Command devolves on General Reed, C.B.
CHAPTER III Pages 35-48
Baird Smith's attention given to strengthening posi-
tion—Chamberlain WOUNDED— Regular siege inevitable-
General Reed to the Hills— Brigadier Wilson succeeds
him— Letter from Baird Smith to Col. Lefroy, R.A., pub-
lished IN THE TimeSy iith May, 1858— Result of interview
between Wilson and Baird Smith— Siege train ordered
from Ferozepore— Baird Smith thoroughly conversant
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X CONTENTS.
WITH Delhi— Letter from Baird Smith to Col. Lefroy—
Letters from Cols. Maclagan and Drummond, R.E.—
Project of Attack— End of August, everything ready-
Nicholson with his troops marches into camp, 14TH August.
CHAPTER IV Pages 49-71
Baird Smith's foot struck by splinter of a shell, i2TH
August— General Wilson writes letter -to Baird Smith,
20TH August— Baird Smith's reply— Wilson reluctantly
yields— Council of War, 23RD August— Nicholson's letter
TO Sir John Lawrence— Nicholson goes out to attack
the Enemy— Utterly defeats them at Battle of Nujuff-
ghur— Siege guns arrive from Ferozepore— Wilson issues
Address to the Army— The Address— ist Siege Battery,
7TH Sept.— Wilson disposed to withdraw guns— Brind's
GALLANTRY— Letter from Baird Smith to Brind— No. 2
Battery, 8th Sept.— No. 3 Battery, 8th and qth Sept.—
Mortar Battery, ioth Sept.— Enemy give much trouble;
ALL batteries FIRING, I2TH AND 13TH SePT.— BREACHES
EXAMINED, 10 P.M., 13TH SEPT.— AsSAULT ORDERED— WiLSON
THINKS OF RETIRING TO *RiDGE', I4TH SePT.— BaIRD SmITH
PREVENTS THIS— Magazine taken, i6th Sept.— Extract of
LETTER FROM COL. ThACKERAY, V.C, C.B.— WiLSON STILL
DESPONDENT— Lahore bastion still in hands of Enemy-
Buildings behind gorge of Lahore bastion capture^, iqth
Sept.— City abandoned by the ememy, 2oth Sept.—
Palace occupied and British Standard hoisted—
Accident to Baird Smith on night of i6th Sept.— Baird
Smith to Durioagunj, near Delhi Gate of city, 2 ist
Sept.— Engineers Brigade Head Quarters, Durriagunj,
2 2ND Sept.— Baird Smith leaves for Roorkee, 23RD Sept.—
Remainder of letter from Baird Smith to Col. Lefroy —
Letter from Field Marshal Sir John Burgoyne to Col.
Lefroy.
CHAPTER V Pages 72-85
Directions for conduct of our siege operations emanat-
ed FROM Baird Smith— His title to be considered the
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CONTENTS. XI
ONE MAN TO WHOM THE CAPTURE IS CHIEFLY DUE WELL
SUSTAINED— EISUM^ OF HIS SERVICES— EXTRACT FROM MaL-
leson's History regarding Baird Smith— Baird Smith
REACHES Roorkee— Has military charge of districts
NEAR Roorkee— Appointed Master of the Mint, Cal-
cutta—His SERVICES IN GREAT FAMINE OF 1861— HiS ILL
HEALTH— Leaves Calcutta, December, i86i— Dies before
REACHING Madras— Buried in St. Mary's Cemetery, with
MILITARY honours— GeNER/VL REMARKS AS TO BaIRD SmITH
AND General Wilson— Extract from Baird Smith's letter
TO HIS Wife— Extract from letter of General Sir James
Brind, G.C.B.— Remarks regarding Nicholson, Charles
Reid, Alexander Taylor, and Officers of Bengal Artil-
lery—Inscription ON Baird Smith's Monument in Cathe-
dral AT Calcutta, composed by Col. Sir Henry Yule.
K.C.S.I.
PART IL
Colonel Baird Smith's letters to his
Wife, etc Fages 86—137
Appendix 1 138—140
n.
141— 144
HI 145-157
IV. . 158-16S
V. . 166—170
VI 171— 172
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RICHARD BAIRD SMITH.
PART L
CHAPTER I.
Before taking up Colonel Baird Smith's great
services at the Siege of Delhi, it will be useful to
sketch briefly his career previously, as it will serve to
show how eminently qualified he was for the position
of Commanding Engineer, owing to his great talents
and experience.
He was born on 31st December, 18 18, entered
Addiscombe in February, 1835, ^^^ passing out at the
head of the College, taking ist Prizes in Mathematics
and Latin, obtained his Commission, 9th December, 1836.
He was posted to the Madras Engineers, and arrived
at Madras, 6th July, 1838, He only, however, remained
there about a year, for in August, 1839, he was
transferred to the Bengal Engineers. He was first
employed in removing the wreck of the "Equitable**
from the Hooghly, when his work was reported to be
**very creditable to his professional service and skill.*'
In August, 1840, he was appointed to the Dooab
Canals; and for the next 16 years he served in the
Irrigation Dept., in the N. W. Provinces.
During this period he was twice called away from
his civil duties for active service in the first and
second Sikh wars; while from 1850 to 1852 he went
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2 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
on leave to Europe. In the first Sikh War he reached
camp a few days after the Battle of Ferozeshah, was
attached to Sir Harry Smith's force on his diversion
towards Loodiana, and was with him at the Battles of
Buddiwal and Aliwal, where the aid he gave was
cordially acknowledged in Sir Harry Smith's celebrated
despatch, and often afterwards in private correspondence.
Baird Smith was again mentioned with distinction at
the Battle of Sobraon.
At the beginning of the Punjab Campaign, in 1848-49,
Baird Smith joined the Head Quarters at Ferozepore,
and marched to Lahore. He was detached to join
Brigadier Colin Campbell, who was in advance, watching
the movements of Shere Sing on the Chenab, and was .
with him in the affair of Ramnuggur.
He was then detached, under Sir Joseph Thackwell,
on the flank movement by which the Chenab was
crossed at Wazirabad, 25 miles to the east.
He conducted the passage of the force across that
river on ist and 2nd December, 1848. The operation
commenced at 6 p.m. on ist, and was completed by
noon on the 2nd, the passage occupying only 18 hours.
The force consisted of 28 Guns, 4 Regiments of Cavalry,
7 Regiments of Infantry with Baggage and Commissariat
Trains.
This must be considered to have been highly satis-
factory, as two-thirds of the work was done during
the night, with only a few hours* previous preparation.
Baird Smith took part in the action at Sadoolapore
on 3rd, and was also present at the Battles of Chillian-
wallah and Goojerat, and in the official reports of all
these actions was honourably mentioned.
Early in 1850 he went to Europe, and while there
undertook a mission to examine the Irrigation and
Colmatage works of Italy, in Lombardy and Tuscany.
The result of this journey, which lasted 5 months,
was a work on Italian Irrigation in two volumes, which
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OUTBREAK OF THE INDIAN MUTINY 3
passed through two editions, the second being pub-
lished in 1855.
King Victor Emmanuel, to show Capt Baird Smith
"the esteem in which he holds his person, and the
value he places on his uncommon talents," desired to
decorate him with the order of Knight of St. Maurice
and St. Lazarus. Owing to the rules in force. Captain
Baird Smith was not permitted to accept the decoration.
On his return to India at the close of 1852 he
visited the great Irrigation works at Madras, and
afterwards wrote a work on them, entitled " The Cauvery,
Kistna, and Godavery."
For the next three years he was employed on the
Ganges Canal; and in 1856 he was appointed Director
General of the Works, and Superintendent of the
Canals, N. W. Provinces.
Hence it was that at the outbreak of the Mutiny
in May, 1857, he was statipned at Roorkee, some 60
miles from Meerut.
It was on Sunday, loth May, 1857, ^^^ ^^^ Mutiny
broke out at Meerut, but it was not till daybreak on
the 1 2th that Baird Smith received the first intimation
of it, when he learnt that Major Fraser, Commandant
of Sappers, had received an express from the General at
Meerut, ordering him to proceed by forced marches, with
his regiment to 5iat place, as the native regiments were in
open revolt, and had left cantonments with their arms.
Baird Smith immediately suggested the Ganges
Canal instead of forced marches, and as Fraser at
once agreed to this, Baird Smith within six hours had
boats ready equal to the transport of 1,000 men.
Just as they were starting another express came to
say that two companies were to be left for the defence
of Roorkee, so only about 500 left in the boats the same
afternoon,and got to Meerut, 60 miles off,in about 24 hours.
The same morning Baird Smith sent off an express
to the Commandant of the Goorkhas at Deyrah, some
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4 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
40 miles distant, to tell him he thought his Corps
would be ordered down, and begged him to march
on Roorkee, on the Ganges Canal, where he would have
another fleet of boats ready for him in a day or two.
Baird Smith thought that the Sappers at Roorkee
might fancy that the march of the Sirmoor Battalion
on Roorkee was a hostile movement against them, so
he requested Major Reid, the Commandant, to march
straight to the canal, and embark in the boats without
entering Roorkee.
This was accordingly done; and Reid "considered
that this forethought was the means of saving the
place and the lives of the ladies and children." This
occurred after the mutiny of the Sappers at Meerut,
when they shot Major Fraser, the Commandant, and
attempted to shoot Maunsell, the Adjutant.
From the day the Sappers left Roorkee, Baird
Smith, with his usual vigour and promptitude, began
to provide for the security of the community at
Roorkee, and at once determined that the workshops
were to be the citadel. Here he ordered the Super-
intendent to quietly equip three guns, and planned the
defensive works that would have to be executed.
He also organised an Intelligence and Commissariat
Dept., so that when the time came to occupy the
place, all preliminary arrangements had been made.
On the 1 6th the workshops were occupied, and
the women and children, then exceeding 100 in number,
were moved into the workshops* rooms, and all decently
accommodated.
The males were about the same in number, but
chiefly clerks, and unaccustomed to arms. They had,
however, about 50 trained soldiers and 8 or 10 good
officers, and Baird Smith's chief reliance was on them.
However, such as the force was, it was organised
into guards, placed under Commandants, and formed
into a manageable body ; and nothing was omitted or
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mmm^^^^r^^^^^'^'^i^^'^^wm
AT ROORKEE 5
neglected that could add to the defence of the place.
The two companies of Sappers proved an embarrass-
ment rather than a source of strength. They were all
natives; there was reason to know that the prevailing
spirit of disaffection had in some measure tainted them,
and this caused much uneasiness regarding them.
Baird Smith put them under command of two officers
well known to them, spoke himself to the best men
among them, and gave over to their charge the care
of all the Thomason College buildings.
Thus matters continued till the i8th : on the afternoon
of which day it was reported that extreme excitement
prevailed among the men of the Sappers, — that some
Sepoys of the Corps had come in from Meerut, and
reported that the regiment had mutinied there, killed
poor Fraser, and had then been immediately attacked
by the Europeans, and destroyed by grape from the
guns. One company had marched the night before
with the Engineer park to join the Commander in
Chief, and the detachment at Roorkee was thus reduced
to about 200 men.
At the time, Baird Smith believed the report to be
a device of the enemy, as he had received letters
of 1 6th from Meerut which mentioned nothing of the
catastrophe. These letters he sent to the cantonments,
asked tiie officers to explain them to their men, and
to keep them quiet.
The day was, however, one of great anxiety, as a
struggle between our small force and 2CX) trained and
educated soldiers like the Sappers, was rather a serious
contingency to anticipate.
All sorts of wild rumours were flying about, and to
add to Baird Smith's personal anxieties the Doctor
came to tell him that his wife was taken ill, and he
had her in a woman's life and death struggle; while
all around him was the heaving and agitation natural
to such a time of crisis.
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6 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
That evening it was reported that the Company
which had marched the previous day, had been over-
taken by the men from Meerut, had mutinied on the
spot, refused to move forward, and insisted on returning
to Roorkee to rejoin their comrades. It was added
that they were resolved to attack us, burn Roorkee,
and kill every European in it. Of this, however, Baird
Smith had comforting doubts when he learnt that the
men were accompanied by their European officers,
not one of whom had been injured or insulted. Baird
Smith sent out a party to observe the movements of the
Company, and he had settled in his own mind that if they
meant mischief they would march on the Roorkee Bazaar;
if not, by a road that led direct to their own Lines.
The relief to Baird Smith's mind when he heard
from his scouts that the Company was moving by
the latter may easily be imagined, and he felt pretty
certain that no collision was contemplated.
Baird Smith was on foot the whole night, the garrison
kept to its arms, and everybody ready for a stiff
struggle, if struggle there was to be.
At midnight the officers of the Sapper detachment
came over to say that their men had refused to obey
them any longer, and had sent them away not only
without injury, but with courtesy and kindly personal
feelings, escorting them out of cantonments, and pro-
tecting them against the few bad characters who were
disposed to injure them. About an hour later, the
officers of the returned Company reported themselves
to Baird Smith, and it was evident that the Roorkee
Mutiny was to be distinguished honourably from those
which had preceded it, by the absence of all atrocity
towards the Europeans, as the whole body, consisting
of 6 officers, 6 sergeants, 6 women and S children,
were now all safe within the workshop walls. About
3 a.m, Baird Smith heard that the Sappers were in
mortal terror of his attacking them at daybreak with
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w^i«B— -sHipiBsaBe
AT ROORKEE 7
the guns, and were bolting as fast as they could in
confusion.
At daybreak Baird Smith sent out a strong body of
Europeans, under Lieutenant Maclagan (afterwards Gen-
eral Maclagan, brother of the Archbishop of York), to
clear the Lines, and when they reached them they found
them tenanted by about 40 Sappers only, out of 300,
and these declared they had no other wish than to
serve the Government faithfully; the rest were clean
gone, some across the Ganges, others to Delhi, but
near the workshops they came no more; and so the
darkest cloud that had hung over Roorkee passed
away without one flash of forked lighting.
In the course of the 19th, authentic news was received
of the dispersion of the Corps at Meerut, of Eraser's
death, and the safety of the other officers of the Corps.
The country round Roorkee was in utter confusion
— bands of robbers were murdering and plundering
defenceless people. Government practically ceased in
the land ; and up to the end of May, Baird Smith
heard not a single word from the Lieutenant-Governor.
At the end of May, a British force was supposed to
be marching on Delhi, but the outbreak occurred on
the loth May, and four weeks elapsed before Delhi
saw any British colours or heard British guns.
The immunity of Roorkee from the horrors which befell
other places was due to the admirable and prompt
measures taken by Baird Smith.
To show the strong heart and buoyant disposition
of Baird Smith it will be useful to add an extract
from a letter written by him to a friend in England,
on 30th May: — "As to the Empire it will be all
the stronger after this storm, and I have never had
a moment's fear for it. It is not five or six thousand
mutineer mercenaries, or ten times the number that
will change the destiny of England in India; and though
we small fragments of the great machine may fall at
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8 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
our posts, there is that vitality in the English people
that will bound stronger against misfortunes, and build
up the damaged fabric anew.
" At this place we are all in high heart and spirits.
We are respected and somewhat feared. Plunderers
avoid us, because they know they will be attacked.
We have confidence growing round us daily, our
bazaar is full, and the people contented."
After passing some six weeks in this manner, and
by his consummate management preventing at Roorkee
the disasters which occurred elsewhere, Baird Smith
was unexpectedly summoned to Delhi to take command
of the Engineer Brigade of the army at that place.
On the 19th June Lieutenant Norman, Assistant Adju-
tant-General, wrote a letter ^ to Baird Smith (which he did
not receive till the 25th), informing him that the officer
originally appointed Chief Engineer had broken down,
that at tfiat date the Engineer Department was altogeth-
er without a head, and that Baird Smith had been
named to General Reed as eminently qualified for the
direction of the Engineering duties. Time was consider-
ed so precious that it was thought desirable Baird
Smith should start without waiting to hear again.
At the time Baird Smith received this summons
the army had been before Delhi for seventeen days.
His first act was to collect together a large park of
stores, and to organise a body of six hundred pioneers
to serve at the siege.
On the 27th of June he was on his way, and joined
on July 3rd, at 3 a.m., after a most laborious journey
during the wet season, with swollen rivers to ferry
across and only one boat available. On the day he
crossed the Jumna he travelled 27 miles, and they
were from 4 a.m. to 12 at night doing that distance.
On the night of July ist Baird Smith and Captain
Robertson had just completed a weary march of 25
I Appendix No. i.
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PH^TiS^
POSITION OF THE ARMY AT DELHI 9
miles, and had reached a dak bungalow at 2 a.m.,
when an express reached him, with a note from the
Brigade-Major of Engineers to say that an assault
was contemplated at dawn on the 3rd, and that all
were anxious for him to be present.
As Baird Smith had been on horseback for seven
hours, he went to bed for a few hours, then starting,
he scrambled on, sometimes getting a fresh horse,
sometimes an elephant, and for one stage the Rajah
of Jheend's coach and four!
By three a.m. on the 3rd they accomplished the fifty-
four miles, and arrived greatly worn out, but fully
expecting to be plunged into the excitement of an
assault, and quite ready to forget all the previous fag.
However, on arrival he found that, as had happened
repeatedly before, the General's heart failed him at
the eleventh hour, the risks were held to be too great,
and the project was abandoned — and so Baird Smith
entered on his functions as Chief Engineer.
It will be as well now to give an idea of the po-
sition of the army at Delhi, and the various movements
which had led up to that situation. It will be remem-
bered that the outbreak at Meerut took place on loth
May, when great atrocities were perpetrated, notwith-
standing the fact that there were two thousand English
soldiers in cantonment. "This was owing to General
Hewitt's incapacity," and his supineness enabled the
mutineers to get off to Delhi unscathed. "But for
this the Mutiny ^ might have been stamped out in
the blood of the mutineers." " Not a single effort was
made to arrest their progress." **In truth our military
authorities were paralysed. No one knew what was
best to do, and nothing was accordingly done." ^
" This was one of tfiose rare occasions when it is
right for a senior officer to be set on one side by
1 E)ew6 White, "Indian Mutiny," page 15.
2 Rev. J. Rotton*8 "Siege of Delhi," page 7.
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10 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
his junior." "Had Brigadier Wilson assumed his re-
sponsibility and acted with vigour he would have added
to his fame/' ^ But as he did nothing it is most clear
that he had a great dread of taking responsibility, and
this detracts greatly from his subsequent services.
General Anson left Umballa witii a force against
Delhi on the 25th May, and on the 26th was at Kurnal,
stricken by cholera. The next day he died, and the
command devolved on Sir Henry Barnard. Barnard
resolved not to wait for the siege train which was
coming from Phillour, but to press on and form a
junction with the force from Meerut, under Wilson.
The column from Meerut did not march till the night
of the 27th, and on the 30th Wilson reached Ghazi-
ood-deen Nuggur, near the Hindun, where the enemy
was met. They were defeated, and fled to Delhi; but
being reviled for their failure, and reinforced, they
marched back to the Hindun on the 31st, and attacked
Wilson's force with artillery. Wilson's troops drove
the enemy from their position, but they did not fly.
They fell back in orderly array. Our troops were so
exhausted by the heat that they could not pursue,
and the mutineers made good their retreat to Delhi,
but they had twice been beaten by inferior numbers
in fair fight.
On June ist the Goorkhas, under Major Charles Reid,
five hundred strong, marched into camp. Meanwhile
Barnard's force had marched down to Alipore, 12 miles
from Delhi, arrived there on June Sth, and then await-
ed the Meerut troops. Wilson halted for orders, received
them on the 4th, resumed his march the same night, and
in the early morning of the 6th crossed the Jumna at
Baghput. On the 6th, also, the siege train arrived. It
had been ordered on May 17th— the gates of the fort
at Phillour were opened on the 24th, so that it had been
thirteen days on its way. On the 7th June the Meerut
I Dew^ White, page 16.
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ARMY REACHES THE RIDGE AT DELHI ii
contingent marched into Alipore, and at i a.m. next
morning the combined forces commenced the march
on Delhi. Then followed the Battle of Badle-ka-Serai.
After a strongly contested action the enemy were
driven back. Barnard pushed on, drove the enemy
within the walls of Delhi, and secured the finest
possible base for our future operations against the
city, the far-famed "Ridge.**
During the first three weeks of the so-called Siege,
the field force was engaged in repelling the enemy's
sorties, usually three or four in each week; and as
the Delhi field force did not muster more than 3,800
men, and as the revolted Sepoys in the city at this
time numbered fully 12,000, the troops had not much
leisure to strengthen their position.
However, various batteries were constructed to streng-
then the position, and entrenchments made to make our
posts as secure as circumstances would allow, but no
definite plan of attack was decided on for some time.
Three bridges over the Nujuffghur Jheel drain were
destroyed, and the security of our rear thereby
increased.
On the 28th June the Bhagput bridge was burnt by
the Jheend force, and the canal water was turned off
from the city by cutting through the high bank of
the canal near the Poolchudder aqueduct, as it was
reported that the rebels were trying to fill the fort
ditch with water from the canal.
During this time the Commander was several times
urged to assault the city, but feared to do so, con-
sidering his force unequal to the task. On the 29th
the Engineer Brigade was strengthened by the arrival
of Captain Taylor, and Major Laughton was recalled
to the Punjab; and on July 3rd, as previously told,
Lieutenant-Colonel Baird Smith arrived to take up the
post of Chief Engineer, with Captain Taylor as his
second in command.
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CHAPTER II.
It is evident that Baird Smith at one time intended
writing a narrative of the Siege, but for some un-
explained reason he gave up the idea. This may
possibly have been due to other important duties
which left him little leisure for writing such a history,
but it is also likely that he abandoned his intention
because he felt that it would not be desirable, so
shortly after the Siege, to tell the whole truth; and
it was certainly foreign to his nature to discuss any
matter publicly unless he was free to relate events
with truth and justice.
Fortunately, we have fragments of his intended his-
tory : the first is a narrative of the operations of the
Engineer Brigade, preliminary to the final attack of
Delhi, a great deal of which is to be found in Colonel
Thackeray's "Two Indian Campaigns.**
The second is the commencement of a complete
history of the outbreak at Meerut and the operations
which led to the capture of the position on the
' Ridge * ; but this account abruptly ends the day after
the * Ridge' was occupied. It is, however, a paper of
very considerable interest and merit, and it is sad to
think that he should have passed away without com-
pleting it.
He first deals with the subject of Regular and
Irregular Sieges ; he then considers our military position
at tiie moment of the Great Mutiny; after this he
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 13
discusses the views and opinions of General Anson
as well as the conduct of affairs at Meerut. The
next point to which he addresses himself is how the
Mutineers were attracted to various points, and then
treats of the numbers of the Mutineers who assembled
at Delhi. He arrives at the conclusion that the effective
strength of the garrison of Delhi at its highest, mus-
tered 20,000 regular troops and 10,000 to 15,000
undisciplined irregulars, all fully armed, and well
provided with anmiunition and everything that they
required.
To oppose them he estimates that at first we had
but 600 sabres, 3,400 bayonets and 24 field guns —
and that our force was dependent for all tiieir munitions
of war on the remote magazines of Phillour and
Ferozepore, distant respectively 220 and 280 miles
from Delhi.
He then relates the advance of General Anson to
Kurnal, and that officer's death.
General Wilson advances to Ghazi-ood-deen Nuggur,
defeats the enemy on two successive days — then joins
General Sir Henry Barnard; and, finally, follows the
advance on Delhi, and the Battle of Badle-ka-Serai,
ending in the capture of the * Ridge.*
It is proposed here to give an extract from this
paper which affords a graphic description of the topo-
graphy of the country in and around Delhi. This
will enable readers to fully understand the difficulties
with which Baird Smith had to grapple when he came
to Delhi, and it will also explain how favourable in
some respects was the position on the * Ridge.*
ACCOUNT OF COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI BY
COLONEL BAIRD SMITH.
** The army having been thus permanently established
in front of Delhi — its camp on the parade-ground, out
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14 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
of range of the enemy's fire, and its advanced posts
on the Ridge, it is now a convenient time to give
some descriptive details of the topography of the
country in which future operations were to be carried
on, and of the character of the works on which the
garrison relied for its defence.
"As already mentioned the Punjaub had become
necessarily the base of these operations. The magazines
of supply for all munitions of war were at Phillour
and Ferozepore, distant from Delhi respectively about
220 and 280 miles. The Grand Trunk Road, metalled
and bridged, extended as far as Kumal, distant about
70 miles. Beyond Kumal to Amballa the road was
in progress, but altogether incomplete. No bridges
spanned the numerous streams that carried the drainage
waters of the Lower Himalayas across the line. These
rivers which, during the cold and hot seasons, are
broad, dry, heavy beds of deep sand, fill as with a
sudden flash during the rainy season from June to the
end of September, and pour down then from the
mountains enormous volumes of water in very brief
periods of time. While the floods prevail no passage
is possible across the larger streams; but happily the
rapid slopes of the country carry off the waters with
great rapidity, and the obstruction to movement rarely
lasts longer at its longest than twenty-four hours.
Beyond Amballa, towards Ferozepore and Phillour,
the roads are of the roughest, but still perfectly
practicable at all seasons, though during the rains
they are sometimes obstructive, and always labor-
ious for heavy carriages, such as those of guns or
ammunition waggons. It may be held that fi*om
fifteen to twenty days were necessary for the trans-
port of supplies from these points to tlie camp before
Delhi.
" The main approaches in the immediate vicinity of
the city are two in number; firsts the Grand Trunk
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 15
Road which, as already noted, does not pass through
the miUtary station, but keeping well to the right,
winds through a succession of dense gardens and
suburbs and ancient buildings till it enters the city
itself through the Cabul Gate, and occupying there-
after a section of the great central street, named the
Chandnee Chowk, it passes under the walls of the
Imperial Palace, and issues again through the Calcutta
Gate on to the Causeway that carries it to the Bridge
of Boats across the Junma. Second^ the Cantonment
Road which, diverging from the Grand Trunk line,
near a small village called Azadpoor, about three
or four miles from the camp, passes through
the station, and crossing the Ridge, enters the city
by the Cashmere Gate. There are numerous minor
roads connecting the cantonment and city, but they
are unimportant in a military sense, and need not
detain us here. The two main lines referred to,
were virtually in possession of the English army
to within long range of the enemy's guns on the
city walls.
"The main lines of road commanded by the
Mutineers were, firsts the Grand Trunk Road from the
city, across the river, to the eastward and southward ;
and from the rich country through which it passed
on the left bank of the Jumna, they drew abundant
and unfailing supplies of provisions of all kinds, and
occasionally of money, communicating at the same
time without let or hindrance with all who sym-
pathised with their cause in the districts east of the
river. Second^ the road towards Muttra and Agra, on
the right-bank of the river, which, passing out of the
city by the Delhi Gate, opened to the garrison the
whole of the resources of the tract west of the river.
And thirdy the line of road towards Rohtuk, which,
though liable to be disputed from its vicinity to the
English camp, was yet, so far as drawing supplies
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i6 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
from the districts was concerned, virtually in posses-
sion of the enemy.
** These three lines formed the main communications
of the garrison with the country outside the walls;
two were in its absolute and undisputed possession,
the third was only precarious when used as a means
of threatening the right flank of the British position.
In addition to the roads in the vicinity of the city,
that exercised a material influence on the nature and
progress of the operations, there were also canals that
were of strategic value, and whose bearings must be
briefly explained.
**Away down in Central India, some four or five
hundred miles to the southward of Delhi, there is
found a complicated knot of mountain lands, formed
by the intersection of two main ranges of hills, one
of which traverses the Peninsula from west to east
under the local name of the Vindhyas, while the other
runs northward, and is known to geographers as the
Aravalli Mountains. It is with the latter only we are
concerned here. Separating the tableland of Central
India and the Valley of tiie Ganges from the Great
Desert and the Basin of the Lower Indus with its
tributaries, the Aravalli, after traversing nearly five
degrees of latitude, finally disappears in the immediate
vicinity of Delhi itself. To the south-westward of the
city they shew themselves as low desolate-looldng
hills covered with scanty herbage and a few stunted
trees, but inclosing among them, here and there,
low-lying lands of considerable fertility, well wooded
and planted with thriving villages. The waters shed
from the hill sides, to the westward especially, have
no very definite or effective lines of escape, and as a
consequence of this, large gatherings of them occur in
basin-shaped hollows, forming what are locally called
Jheels. Among these, the largest and most important
is the Nudjuffghur Jheel, so often alluded to in the
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 17
narratives of the Siege operations. This lake occupies
one of the trough-like valleys between the two ranges
of the Aravalli, and commencing only two or three
miles from Delhi, runs south-westerly for nearly 30
miles, generally with a width ranging from half a mile
to a mile, excepting at its further extremity, where it
opens out into a broad expanse of water fully three
miles in diameter. On its left bank it throws out two
long narrow branches, about 8 and 12 miles in length
and half a mile or so in breadth; the entire area of
the lake under ordinary circumstances may be roughly
taken at 25 square miles. By one of those remarkable
X coincidences, of which so many occurred to favour the
. ^ English cause, as to suggest the idea of a special
Providence in them, the rains of the year preceding
the Mutiny had been of unprecedented magnitude, and
the whole basin had been gorged with water, the area
covered exceeding a hundred square miles. For many
years past the drainage of this great sheet of water
had been an object of anxious solicitude to the govern-
ment, and extensive works had been executed for the
purpose. The main Regulating Bridge carried the
Rohtuk Road previously referred to, across the Jheel
at a point about 4 miles from Delhi, and from this
point a broad canal was carried along the rear of the
British camp to the River Jumna. From the enormous
accumulation of water in the Jheel during 1856, this
canal, ordinarily dry during the hot season, was filled
with a deep rapid stream of pure and wholesome
water during the whole period of the Siege. It is
scarcely possible to over-estimate the value of such a
provision both to the health and comfort of the troops,
for without it, the river, which was two miles distant,
or the wells in cantonments, all brackish and bad,
must have been the sole sources of water supply for
man and beast; sanitary arrangements were facilitated,
good drainage secured, abundant means of ablution
V^ Digitized by Google
i8 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
and healthy aquatic exercise were provided, and the
Jheel Canal was not merely a good defensible line
for military operations, but a precious addition to the
comfort and salubrity of the camp. Westward of the
Rohtuk Road Bridge several local lines of road were
carried across the Jheel by bridges, distant 4 or 5 miles
from each other, to which reference will have to be
made occasionally hereafter.
** This Jheel Canal was one of the canals ultimately
linked with the siege operations. The other was the
Western Jumna Canal, which, in the vicinity of camp,
intersected the Jheel Canal just at right angles, and
flowing past the right flank of the position, entered
the city by a culvert under the walls, near the Cabul
Gate, and sub-dividing itself, turned one branch into
the great Chandnee Chowk, supplying the Ellen-
borough Tank ; while the other and main one traversed
the King's Garden, and passing on by the walls of
the palace, finally fell into the Jumna, close to the
Negumbode Gate of the city. The whole course of
this canal, from the vicinity of the Cabul Gate to three
or four miles to the north-westward of the city, was
flanked on both sides by dense masses of garden
grounds thickly covered with fruit trees of all kinds,
and underwood of the most luxuriant growth. The
land was wet and swampy, and innumerable walls and
ruins of old buildings traversing it in every direction, gave
it defensive capabilities of a very high order, especially
by irregular troops, who, behind such cover, scarcely
felt their want of discipline or capacity to act in masses.
"Along the line of the Grand Trunk Road, and
through the gorge of the Ridge by which both that
road and the Western Jumna Canal were carried across
the rocky barren country, there clustered a succession
of village suburbs bearing the familiar names of Tele-
wala, Trevelyan Gunge (a memorial of the present ^
I Sir Chas Trevelyan, 1859.
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JH^'^.ffU ,^,J !■■
COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 19
Governor of Madras), Pahareepore, Kissen Gunge, and
Subzee Mundee. Of these, all, excepting the last,
may be regarded as the enemy's ground, for though
he was often driven temporarily from them, no attempt
was made by the English force to hold them permanently.
They were all strong positions, and Kissen Gunge pre-
eminently so, from its massive masonry enclosures and
commanding site on the slope of the right flank of
the gorge.
" The belt of garden ground, after passing the flank
of the English encampment, bent round to the north-
ward and ran along the rear of the position occupying
the rising land parallel to the Jheel Canal, and was
abruptly terminated by a sudden descent into the
marshy and malarious valley of the Jumna. Thus the
British position was partially set, as it were, in a
rudely semicircular framework of enclosure ground,
on which the rank vegetation had degenerated into
dense jungle, and where the different arms of the
force were most cruelly impeded by a swampy soil,
and an interminable succession of strong walls, or
tenable ruins.
"The entire front of the position was eflSciently
covered by the Ridge, along the crest of which several
large buildings were found well suited for occupation
as permanent posts. The Ridge is formed of a hard
compact semi-crystalline quartz rock, disposed in layers,
and presenting occasional vertical cliffs on the city
side. Its utmost height above the level of the site of
the city does not exceed 80 or 90 feet, and its whole
aspect is bare and rugged, save where artificial means
have been employed to create a soil, and to rear on
it some small flowering shrubs and fruit trees. No
locality could well be less adapted for the construction
of defensive works, for it is only by toilsomely scraping
together the earthy gravel formed by the disintegration
of the rocks, in occasional hollows that any earth can
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''
20 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
be obtained, and such as is thus procured is so devoid
of tenacity, and so full of fragments of rock as to
be both difficult to work with and dangerous to the
occupants of the works.
"Incomparably the most important position on the
Ridge was known as Hindoo Rao's House. This
consisted of a large modern building with many out-
offices, forming the establishment of Maharaja Hindoo
Rao, an old Mahratta nobleman closely allied to the
reigning family at Gwalior, but for political reasons
a resident of Delhi during many years. The old man
was a well-known member of the local society, a
keen sportsman, a liberal and hospitable gentleman,
of frank bluff manners and genial temperament. He
had built and generally fitted up his house after the
manner of an English mansion, and it formed a roomy
and convenient quarter for the troops. As he had
died some time before the Mutiny, the establishment
had been broken up, and the place was found empty.
Round the house a small garden had been laboriously
formed with earth brought from the plains below the
Ridge, and excellent roads connected the point with
the encampment, the city, and the various posts to
the left.
"Hindoo Rao's picquet formed the extreme right
of the position, and moving along the Ridge to the
left, the next important point was * The Observatory,'
an ancient astronomical building of Hindoo architec-
ture, which furnished cover within its dreary-looking
walls for a considerable post. Still farther to the left
was ' the Mosque,' an old and massive Pathan structure,
of that stern style so characteristic of these fierce
invaders, and so common among the Cylopean ruins
of those many cities, the wasted and abandoned fore-
runners of Delhi. The last of the posts on the Ridge
was the Flag-staff Picquet, as it was called, from the
men being sheltered in that Flag-staff Tower, where
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 21
so many of the fugitives from Delhi tasted the bitter-
ness of death on the morning of their flight, and
from whose summit they watched, with the hopelessness
of despair, the signs of wild tumult within the city
walls, and of wavering fidelity in the sullen ranks of
the Sepoys around them. The prolongation of the
Ridge to the river was too much retired or thrown
back from the city to require occupation, or to be
exposed to attack, and the four posts described were
sufficient to insure security to the entire front. The
Ridge finally disappeared under the waters of the
Jumna, at a distance of about two miles from the
Flag-staff Tower. Past each of the important posts
there ran an excellent road, macadamized with the
red gravel from the Ridge, and connecting the canton-
ment with the residences of the civil officers and
the city.
"These residences were scattered irregularly over
the broad triangular plain that lies between the city,
the Jumna, and the Ridge. They were separated from
each other here and there, by one or more of the
many ravines that carried the drainage water of the
hilly tract towards the Jumna. On the extreme left
of the plain, overhanging the river, stood the mansion
of Sir Thomas Metcalfe, buried amid trees, and sur-
rounded by an extensive enclosed park. Its stables
and a large cow-house lying on the city side of the
house, formed good and strong posts, ultimately
occupied by detachments from the force; while a
lofty mound in rear of them supplied an excellent
position for the supports to both the advanced picquets.
A tangled mass of ravines overgrown with brushwood
and bordered by trees of considerable size, intersected
the whole of the ground, and gave many covered
ways of approach intangible by the enemy's fire.
" Beyond the Metcalfe Garden, and within 300 or 400
yards of the city walls, a summer palace of the Em-
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22 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
perors, with lofty gateways, cool cloisters and arcades
open towards the river, was placed, and known by
the name of the Koodsia Bagh. Its interior was in
ruins, but sufficient indications of its design and
structure remained to shew it to have been one of
the rich examples of that florid architecture of the
later Moguls of which Delhi presents so many and
beautiful illustrations. The broad space within the
walls was overgrown with orange trees, limes, rose
bushes and other shrubs, all growing in the wildest
luxuriance.
** Between the Koodsia Bagh and the city walls, and
not more than 150 or 160 yards from the latter, stood
the Custom House, a large modern English building
with the usual suites of out-offices attached to it,
and surrounded by trees and garden shrubs. So close
to the* walls was it that, in looking at them from the
front windows of the House, they seemed almost to
overhang the place, and this very close proximity is
a point to be remembered for future reference.
"The only other locality in this neighbourhood that
need be specially mentioned is Ludlow Castle, the
residence of the late Mr. Simon Eraser, the represent-
ative of the Government at Delhi, who was barbarously
murdered in the palace on the first outbreak of the
Mutiny. The house occupied the crest of a ridge
sloping down towards the Cashmere Gate front of the
city, and along the base of which ran the dry bed
of a drainage channel, which extended the whole way
from the river near the Koodsia Bagh to the Ridge,
wrapping the city round with a natural parallel, and
furnishing a well-protected line of communication from
the right of the English position to the Jumna, which
was of inestimable value.
"The many other houses on the plain were only
indirectly connected with the operations, and these,
already, it may be feared, very wearisome details, need
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 23
not be farther increased on their account. Their
shattered aspect, blackened walls and charred roofs
shewed that one common fate had befallen all, or
nearly all ; and many among the officers of the British
Force, as they looked on these desolated homes, could
remember that they had last seen them lighted up
with a joyous hospitality, and brightened by the
presence of some of the wise and worthy and beauti-
ful among the victims of the accursed catastrophe.
It cannot be matter of surprise to any that warm
hearts were hardened, and stern passions roused by
memories such as these.
** The general characteristics of the ground to the
southward and south-westward of the city were
much the same as those already described. But these
localities were far out of the range of the movement
of the force, and detailed descriptions of them may
therefore safely be dispensed with at present. Some
few of them will have to be referred to hereafter,
when any note-worthy points relating to them can
better be described than now.
*'From the exterior of the place we now proceed
to the interior. The popular aspect of Delhi has been
so often described that we need not repeat the tale
here. No Indian travellers, from the days of old
Tavernier, or Bernier, or Sir James Rose, down to those
of Bishop Heber, or Dr. Russell, have failed to exhibit
its bazaars, its mosques, its palaces and its people in
all the varied colouring and detail of which such pic-
turesque elements were susceptible under the touch
of hands eminently skilful in word-painting. To them,
therefore, we may leave the external aspects of the
city, and concern ourselves solely with its main fea-
tures as a military position. Among these, the fore-
most are the Fortifications by which the place is
surrounded. These are very nearly seven miles in
circuit, of which about two miles form the River Front,
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24 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
facing to the eastward, and the remaining five miles
are distributed in unequal distances between what may
be called the Northern, the Western, and the Southern
Land Fronts. The Northern Front extends from the
Moira or Water Bastion, which is washed at its base by
the waters of the Jumna, to the Shah or Moree Bastion,
a distance of rather less than one mile; and it was
on this Front only that the British Force was ever
strong enough to operate. Only one-seventh part, there-
fore, of the complete enceinte was even partially in-
vested. While on the remaining six-sevenths the
garrison had the freest ingress and egress without the
possibility of impediment from the besiegers.
** Beyond the Moree Bastion the direction of the
walls turned suddenly southward, running thus to the
vicinity of the Ajmere Gate, for about a mile and
three-quarters, or two miles, and forming the Western
Front of the place.
" Trending then round to the eastwards for about an
equal distance, the walls form the Southern Front, which
terminates in the Wellesley Bastion on the river bank,
and the Eastern or Water Front is included between
that and the Moira Bastion, from which our circuit
commenced.
"On the Land Fronts the Fortifications have the
same general features. They consist of bastioned
lines in which the bastions, relatively small, are con-
nected by long curtains. The defect of flanking fire
in this trace is remedied by the interpolation between
the bastions as required, of one or more martello
towers for single guns of large calibre on traversing
platforms, placed in advance of the curtains, but con-
nected with them by means of drawbridges. With the
exception of a crown-work at the Ajmere Gate, there
are no outworks to the place on the fronts facing
inland. A berm of variable width, ranging from 1 5 to
25 feet, runs completely round the works, and rises to
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COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 25
a height of 8 feet above the bottom of the ditch.
The ditch itself is ako continuous on the land fronts,
and is from 20 to 30 feet in width and about 20
feet in depth, the counterscarp being an earthen
slope much water and weather worn, and by no means
difficult of descent. The glacis scarcely merits the
name, as it is but a short slope 70 or 80 feet in
breadth, springing directly from the crest of the coun-
terscarp, and provided with no special means of
obstruction.
"There are no ramparts, but the bastions are con-
nected by a simple wall about 13 feet in thickness at
bottom and 8 feet at the springing of the parapet,
which is 16 feet above the level of the berm. The
parapet, a thin screen of masonry, is only 3 feet in
thickness and 8 feet in height, pierced by loopholes
for musketry, but affording little or no protection
against artillery fire. The capacities of the different
bastions are variable, but a fair general idea of them
will be given by the statement that they carry from
9 to 12 guns each. When fully armed, the Land
Fronts would mount from 120 to 140 guns.
" While considerable care had been taken, and much
expense incurred, in rectifying the defects of the ancient
works on the land side, those on the River Front
continued to be of the utmost simplicity. Covered by
the stream, they were secure against any regular attack ;
and against a coup-de-main, they were guarded by
their height of about 40 feet, and by projecting pali-
sades, which would have made escalade both difficult
and dangerous. The general aspect of the front is,
however, simply that of a long line of masonry wall
broken by projections here and there, by which an
imperfect flanking fire could be given ; but of systematic
defences there are none.
" About the middle of the Water Front there stands
the Imperial Palace, a noble mass of building of truly
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
26 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
beautiful design, vast magnitude and exquisite detail.
Its capabilities of resistance, however, against any serious
attack are but feeble, for its defences, like those of
the city, consist essentially of a lofty wall and a
deep ditch, with most imperfect arrangements for flanking,
or even direct fire, and with dead ground at almost
every point of its enceinte: its military value was
therefore of the most limited kind. Its interior was a
mass of buildings of all sorts, ranging from miserable
mud huts to the gorgeous dwellings of the Imperial
family, traversed by narrow lanes, and having a few
open spots laid out in garden ground. The place
teamed with human beings : within its precincts, covering
little more than an eighth of a square mile, about seven
thousand souls are said to have been ordinarily con-
centrated, all in various forms and degrees the depen-
dents of the nominal King. From the north-east face
of the Palace projected the ancient Pathan fort of
Selimgurh, a rude and massive structure, separated
from the main buildings by a narrow branch of the
Jumna, across which communication was maintained by
a masonry bridge. This outwork was occupied in
force by the garrison, and its northern face was armed
with ten or twelve heavy guns which, commanding
the ground along the river bank, from the immediate
vicinity of the walls to the posts within the Metcalfe
Park, played an important part in the defence of the
place.
"Within the city the most noteworthy point was
the distribution of the open spaces on which troops
could act with comparative freedom, and within which
they could be maintained in masses of respectable
strength. By far the most important of these was at
the north-east angle of the place, bounded on one
side by part of the Northern, and on the other side
by part of the Water, Front, and including within its
limits the Church, the College, the Arsenal, Skinner s
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
COUNTRY AROUND AND IN DELHI 27
House, and other minor points that must be referred
to hereafter. It was entered by the Cashmere Gate,
and it forms the only spot on the front of attack where an
orderly formation of a considerable force was practicable.
" About a quarter of a mile in advance of this first
space lay a group of gardens belonging to the King
and to the estates of the Begum Sumroo. These were
mainly commanded by the lofty houses that bordered
them, and the ground was encumbered by large trees
and an undergrowth of shrubs. Still, as contrasted
with the general aspect of the town, these gardens
were free and open, and were undoubtedly points of
much importance on military considerations.
**The only other open space was situated between
the southern face of the Palace and the Delhi Gate
of the city. In former days, when the English gar-
rison was cantoned within tiie walls of the place, this
ground was occupied by the lines of the men and
the residences of the officers, and bore the name of
Durriagunj, or the river quarter; its position, however,
removed it from the influence of the general operations,
and it was therefore of less importance than the others.
*'The highest point in the interior of the city was
occupied by the great Mahomedan Cathedral, the
Jumma Musjid, one of the noblest of the many noble
structures of which Delhi can boast. This magnificent
mass, which, with its fellows, drew from Bishop Heber
the graphic remark that the later Moguls 'designed
like giants and finished like jewellers,' stands on an
out-cropping rocky foundation, and towers over the
adjoining buildings, with a complete command. The
possession of such a point was very important, and
its capabilities, both for resistance and aggression
against the city, were considerable.
"Beneath the walls a narrow roadway maintained
an imperfect communication, but as its width rarely
exceeded twenty or thirty feet, while at every point
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28 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
it was overhung by high and strong houses, no space
was afforded on which troops could form, and even
free passage was difficult. This state of things ob-
tained on the entire land Fronts, from the Wellesley
Bastion to the vicinity of the Cashmere Gate, and
necessarily influenced greatly the ulterior operations
of the Siege.
"All the main streets of Delhi, with the exception
of the Chandnee Chowk, are either extremely tortuous
or very narrow. Even the Chandnee Chowk is not
entirely straight, for at its western extremity, where it
approaches the Lahore Gate, it makes a sudden turn
that completely destroys its direct alignement. The
massive buildings of the city are generally of stone
or brickwork, closed with Oriental jalousies ; and many
of the narrow lanes forming the only communications
between them, are barred by ponderous gates of wood
strongly bound with great bars of iron. Action in
force against such localities as these was scarcely
practicable, and in the midst of the succession of
strongholds they supplied, a disciplined army was
reduced under the force of mere physical conditions to
isolated and fragmentary bodies of irregular combatants.
"Summarily, therefore, it may be said of the defensive
capabilities of Delhi, that, as against a regular and
formal attack with adequate means in men and ma-
terial, they were extremely feeble; that, as against
an irregular attack with ordinary means, they were
respectable; while, as against such an attack with
inadequate means, they were formidable; and finally,
as against a coup-de-main by a feeble force unprovided
with siege artillery or engineer stores, their strength
was such that only political considerations of the most
urgent and pressing importance, could be held to have
justified the acceptance by the General commanding,
of the frightful risks of failure involved beyond all
question in a simple unsupported assault upon the place.
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HIS WORK ON REACHING DELHI 29
" During the long month that had elapsed between
the dismal catastrophe at Meerut and the triumphant
establishment of the British Force on the Ridge before
Delhi, it seems incredible that no plan of operations
had been provided in anticipation of events that could
be calculated on with reasonable certainty. The pro-
vision of such a plan or plans was, as a matter of
course, the special duty of the Chief Engineer of the
Force, but this officer seems to have abdicated his
functions, and to have left his work to be done by
irresponsible juniors, or officers of other arms, or by
any one who was willing to do it. Inevitably, there-
fore, there was much confusion in the progress of
affairs from the 8th of June onwards. Sir Henry
Barnard felt, and felt justifiably, that total stranger as
he was to the localities, to the character and military
capacity of natives, and to all the conditions of the
terrible crisis he was suddenly summoned to confront,
he had a right to expect that in the commanding
officers of the Ordnance Corps, whose professional duties
bore specially on siege operations, he should find his
most competent advisers. From Major Laughton, the
Chief Engineer, he could obtain no definite opinions
whatsoever ; and by Brigadier Wilson, the Commandant
of Artillery, he was earnestly dissuaded from any
active operations against the city. The actual course of
events was therefore determined rather by the conduct
of the besieged than by the councils of the besiegers."
As soon as Baird Smith reached Delhi he set to
work with vigour to comprehend the situation, and
make himself acquainted with all the details of the
position occupied by the Force, its capabilities, re-
sources and future prospects.
The following were the impressions made, and the
conclusions arrived at: —
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30 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
**As regards the plan of defence adopted by the
enemy, it was quite clear that two ideas pervaded it :
first, to drive Sir Henry Barnard from his advanced
position on the heights by incessant attacks on the
position itself; and secondly, to force him to abandon
that position by operations on his line of communica-
tion with the Punjab. Of these two ideas the enemy
held the first with perfect clearness, and acted on it
with an unswerving tenacity of purpose which repeated
defeats could scarcely shake. The second was neither
apprehended distinctly, appreciated properly, or acted
on vigorously by him. It is scarcely necessary to add
that tihis want of discrimination influenced most gravely
the fortune of the Siege.
** The garrison, by Sie beginning of July, must have
consisted of not less than from fifteen to eighteen
thousand trained soldiers and irregulars, or even larger
numbers.
**The besieging force numbered of all arms under
five thousand five hundred : fighting men, Europeans and
natives. An enterprising enemy might therefore, with per-
fect ease, have maintained one or more strong movable
columns operating constantly on the communications,
stopping convoys, harassing small detachments, disturb-
ing the whole tract of country whence supplies were
obtained, and finally, in all human probability, compelling
the General to raise the Siege from the impossibility
of procuring subsistence for his army in a position
so utterly insecure.
"Instead, however, of obstinate and continuous opera-
tions of this class, the enemy was satisfied to make
feeble efforts never sustained for any considerable
time, and easily warded off by corresponding movements
of columns detached from the Force. It was necessary,
however, at the time now under notice, to take precau-
tions against both forms of attack. The vast numerical
superiority of the enemy converted the position of
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HIS VIEW OF THE SITUATION 31
Sir Henry Barnard's force from the very first into
that of a besieged, instead of a besieging army.
** Commencing on June 8th, the attacks by the garrison
on all points of the ground held outside the walls
were incessant. The casualties of the Force day by
day were most serious. Many of the bravest and best
officers had been killed or severely wounded: the
daily average of casualties among the soldiers averaged
from thirty to forty, and on occasions of vigorous
combats the loss rose from 100 to 150.
"It was scarcely possible to resist the conviction
that the army was steadily and surely being used up
by the ordinary process of the Siege, and it seemed
as though a simple calculation would show how long
such a rate of waste of life could be maintained in
presence of an enemy by a force numerically so feeble ;
long it plainly could not be.
"To shorten the Siege, or limit the loss of life
were the urgent necessities of the position. The former
could be effected only in one of two ways : the first,
by regular operations against the place ; or, second, by
an assault *de vive force.* The insufficiency of artil-
lery and engineer material for even the most limited
formal operation made the first plan wholly im-
practicable.
"An official return supplied to the Chief Engineer
on the 4th July, showed that in the Artillery Park the
entire ordnance supplies of the force were : —
Round Shot 24 Prs 150
do. 18 „ 628
Shells, Common 8 ,, 2,016
do. Spherical 8 „ 192
do. Common 24 „ 240
do. Spherical 24 „ 43
do. 5V2 »> — 3»2CX)
" These detcdls tell their own tale, and no emphasis
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32 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
need be added. Such fire, indeed, as the batteries on
the Ridge were competent to sustain, was kept up by
purchase from day to day of the shot fired by the
enemy, which were sedulously picked up by the camp-
followers. The whole supply of ordnance powder for
seventeen siege pieces in position, was no more than
1 1, 600 lbs., barely sufficient for one day's active
firing; and even the musketry powder had sunk to
12,900 lbs.
"The Engineer Park was quite as insufficiently
supplied for even the briefest formal operation. It is
questionable whether batteries could have been main-
tained even if their first construction had been practicable,
as reveting materials were in extremely small numbers.
Hence there was no hesitation whatever in abandoning
all idea of operations of this class.
" The second course, viz., an assault * de vive force *,
was plainly a most desperate expedient in the actual
condition of the Force at the moment. It could only
have been justified by assurance of the highest author-
ity that the critical emergency of political circum-
stances had been such that all risks must be run to
achieve a success.
**The possibilities of success were sufficient to have
warranted the General in making an attack even so
desperate as that on Delhi would have been. The
Chief Engineer came to this conclusion at the time,
and adhered to it until circumstances to be explained
hereafter had completely changed. Assuming, however,
that an assault involving such undeniable risks might
be deferred, systematic provision for reducing the
waste of life on the Ridge was of the most urgent
necessity; and though the means were small both in
men and material, it was absolutely necessary that
they should be used and multiplied if the positions
were to be maintained for even a day.
** On the morning of the 5th July Sir Henry Barnard
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INTERVIEW WITH SIR HENRY BARNARD 33
received Baird Smith at a confidential interview
which lasted three hours.
"Barnard explained to him in the most unreserved
terms his views of the position of the force, and at
first, especially, he was evidently and most justly
impressed with the deepest anxiety for its safety, and
felt acutely the heavy weight of personal responsibility
that must attach to his own decisions.
"The general conclusions to which Baird Smith
had come, as summarily detailed above, were duly
submitted to him, and were fully discussed. Reserving
his final decision at the moment, however, he appointed
a second meeting at noon of the same day, when he
expected to be prepared to give definite orders.
"There were no external signs of fatal sickness at
that time apparent. A. worn and anxious expression
of face with a certain heaviness and dimness of eye,
not at all natural to him, were the- only signs of
suffering that attracted Baird Smith's notice, and even
these passed away as the discussion advanced, till the
general cheerfulness of bearing under all difficulties,
which did so much to win for him the warm affection
of the whole force, resumed its usual flow, and Baird
Smith left him for the present, hopeful for the future
as it was his nature to be.
"Scarcely an hour or two elapsed before Barnard
was stricken by a deadly attack of cholera, and on
Baird Smith's return to head-quarters about 11
a.m., he was met by Barnard's medical attendants
with the assurance that he could see no one, and
that the worst was to be feared as to the issue of
the disease. The anticipation was realised the same
afternoon, and it was with the truest sorrow that the
Army learnt of the loss it had sustained in the
premature death of a chief admired by all for his
undaunted courage, his unwearying activity, his single-
hearted devotion to duty, and beloved by all for his
3
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
34 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
thoughtful care, courteous bearing, generous apprecia-
tion of the efforts of his officers, and the genial
spirit he diffused around him. He sent a message to
Baird Smith from his deathbed, that in the event of
his professional reputation needing defence, he trusted
to him, as having received his last explanation, to
guard him from misrepresentation. His reputation has
never been impugned. Few soldiers have faced sterner
perils with a stouter heart, and none have surpassed
him in devotion to the Crown, or in the resolute
discharge of duty under physical and moral conditions
so exhaustive that life sunk beneath the pressure.'*
On the death of Sir Henry Barnard the command
devolved on Major-General Reed, C.B. He was in-
capacitated for work by severe and continuous sickness.
While the decision regarding the assault was pending,
we had several severe actions with the enemy, in whirfi
our losses were very material to so small a force as
ours, and it was finally resolved that the risks were
too great.
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CHAPTER III.
Meantime Baird Smith's attention was sedulously
given to strengthening the position of the Ridge, pro-
viding cover for the troops, clearing jungle, brushwood,
etc., on the slopes, so as to diminish as much as
possible the cover for the enemy ; and finally, to the
security of the communications, by the demolition of
all the bridges by which the enemy could cross the
Western Jumna Canal or Nujuffghur Jheel Drainage Cut,
with artillery. On the 7th of July Lieutenants Greathed
and Fulford with sappers and pioneers destroyed the
Shalimar, Badli, and Shumapoor Bridges. These
bridges had all superstructures of wood on masonry
abutments and piers, and the demolitions were effected
by small charges sufficient to clear away the masonry
retaining the girders. The beams were required for
use in the park, and it was important to have them.
On the 8th Lieutenants Geneste and Champain accom-
panied a strong column to Busaye, on the Nujuffghur
Jheel, and there destroyed the Busaye Bridge, the
only remaining work of the kind on the drainage
channel within moderate distance of the city. On the
9th the remaining bridges between the camp and
Alipore were dismantled by Lieutenants Stewart and
Carnegie.
On the same day the Poolchudder Aqueduct, of
which the demolition had previously been only partial,
was completely destroyed.
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36 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
On the 9th a party of the enemy's cavalry charged
into the camp, and after causing considerable confusion
and some loss, was repulsed with heavy slaughter. A
general attack was also made on the position, and a
strong force under Brigadier General Chamberlain,
Adjutant-General of the army, advanced through the
suburbs, clearing them of the enemy. Our losses
were severe, two hundred and twenty-tJiree killed and
wounded ; and so serious a diminution of the small
force materially influenced future plans of operation.
The Engineer Brigade was happily strengthened
this day by the arrival of three hundred Punjab
Sappers under Lieutenant Gulliver, and six hundred
unarmed pioneers under Lieutenant H. A. Brownlow.
The latter had been formed by Baird Smith on
receiving orders to take command of the Brigade, by
volunteers from the Roorkee workmen employed on
the Ganges Canal. Strange to say, these men who
were at once transferred from the peaceful tasks of
day-labourers to the most dangerous duties of working
parties in siege operations, never exhibited a symptom
of fear, but worked under the hottest fire like veterans,
and were invaluable. The casualties among them were
inevitably very numerous, but there was no instance
of their having hesitated to obey any order, whatever
its consequences might have been.
Lieutenant Brownlow brought under their escort, a
large supply of stores of various kinds for the Engineer
park, drawn from the workshops of the Canal Depart-
ment at Roorkee, under Baird Smith's control.
Between the loth and 14th of July active work was
carried on in strengthening the right flank of the position.
Early in the siege a lofty mound, evidently a disused
brick kiln, had been taken possession of, its icrest
roughly formed into a battery for three heavy guns,
and an approach of easy slope cut along its interior
face.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
STRENGTHENS THE POSITION 37
It will be found on the plan, marked ** The General's
Mound", so named from its having been a favourite
position of Sir H. Barnard's during the many fights
of which he was an eye-witness.
It was between this mound, and a mass of Maho-
medan buildings abutting on the NujufTghur Jheel
Channel to the right, that the enemy's cavalry broke
through on the 9th, and it was necessary to make
the ground impracticable for horsemen.
Strong parapets, deep ditches, and thick abattis of
trees and brushwood were carried over all the open
spaces; provision was made for placing field guns in
battery behind the bank on the right of the mound.
The line to the Drainage Channel was thereby suffi-
ciently strengthened to be safe against attack. Part
of the ground in front of the Pagoda picquet (Sammy
House) being wholly unflanked and supplying cover
frequently taken advantage of by the enemy, it was
determined that a small battery for two field guns
should be constructed on the right of Perkin's mortar
battery, a position commanding tiie ground in question.
There being reason to anticipate another general
attack on the right of the position, the battery was
built of sandbags, for the sake of expedition. Covered by
a screen of gabions, the pioneers completed the work
between 3 and 1 1 a.m. on the i sth of July. About sunrise
the enemy attacked, as expected, and the contest
continued with variable vigour throughout the day.
The position had been so strengthened in all its parts
that no impression whatever could be made upon it.
The troops remained quietly covered by their parapets,
and the artillery inflicted heavy loss on the enemy
from all the batteries on the right. Scarcely any
casualties had occurred, until it was determined to
move out and drive the enemy from the strong and
rugged ground he usually held.
This was done of course, but with some loss; and
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38 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
in the impetuosity of pursuit, the column followed the
retreating enemy close up to the walls of the place.
There they were received with a murderous grapeshot
fire, and officers and men fell thick and fast. The
Commander, Brigadier Chamberlain, was struck down
by a dangerous wound, and before the troops could
be extricated from their unfortunate position, 1 5 officers
and 209 men were placed *hors de combat.'
The total casualties of the 9th and 14th having
thus risen to nearly five hundred, it was necessary to
abandon all idea of any active operations against the
place from the latter date.
Up to that time Baird Smith had considered an assault
would have been successful, and had duly submitted
to the General that the possibilities of success by
assault were such as would justify the attempt being
made, should the political necessity for it be so pressing
as to warrant very grave risks being accepted.
It was no matter of regret to Baird Smith that his
judgment on the point was never put to the test, it
having been held that the risks were greater than the
circumstances of the moment would warrant the Gen-
eral in meeting; but from this time Baird Smith's
own views were entirely in accordance with that
conclusion, and thenceforward but one idea regulated
the operations of the Engineer Brigade, namely, to
prepare by economy of men and material on the
spot, and by collection of the same from every available
point at a distance.
On the 17th of July the shattered state of Gen. Reed's
health compelled the medical officers to urge his
immediate removal to the hills, and he accordingly
left for Simla that night, making over the command
to Brigadier Archdale Wilson.
The proceedings of the Commanding Engineer, from
the day of his arrival up to the time when General
Wilson assumed command of the army, are duly
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HIS LETTER TO COLONEL LEFROY 39
recorded in the following letter from Colonel Baird
Smithy published in a communication from Colonel
Lefroy to the "Times", under date May nth, 1858.
This letter is most interesting, conclusively showing
as it does, how from the very first General Wilson
was influenced by Baird Smith's complete grasp of
the situation.
"TO THE EDITOR OF THE 'TIMES*.
"Sir,
" The truly interesting letter of your special corre-
spondent, from Lucknow, in the 'Times* of this day,
contains a statement calculated to deprive one of the
ablest and most gallant officers in Her Majesty's
service of his just distinction, by attributing to Captain
Taylor, B.E., instead of to Colonel Baird Smith, the
merit of the assault by which Delhi was captured.
"Confident that it is the sole object of the 'Times*
to preserve historical truth in all these details, and as
your correspondent proceeds to say — *I have never
seen Colonel Baird Smith in my life, nor have I
spoken a word to Captain Taylor on the subject*, I
trust you will find room for the following extract from
a letter from the former officer, dated Roorkee, 22 Nov.,
1857, in which, in the confidence of private friendship,
he gives his own narrative of that operation, and I
shall be surprised if any one who reads it, believes
him a likely person to wait, on such an emergency,
for the counsel of a Junior.
" After relating the events at Roorkee, at which station
his own consummate management alone prevented the
disasters which occurred elsewhere. Colonel Baird Smith
proceeds to say: — 'After passing about six weeks in
work of this kind, I was unexpectedly sent for to
Delhi, to take command of the Engineer Brigade of the
army at that place. I reached camp on the 4th of July
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40 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
(3rd?) fully expecting to arrive in the midst of an as-
sault on the city, an express having been despatched
to meet me on the road, with intelligence of its being
General Barnard's intention to attack at dawn that
morning (4th), and to request that I would hurry on.
I did so, and rode 54 miles on any cattle I could lay
hands on, arriving about 3 a.m., to find everything as
quiet as could be; the assault, as was the fashion of the
day, postponed, and my labour very uselessly expended.
" *I set to work at once to comprehend the situation.
I found the force at that date to consist of about
6,000 men of all arms, excluding non-effectives, furnished
with siege guns as follows — 2 24-Prs., 9 i8-Prs., 6 8"-
Mortars, and 2 8"-Howr., in all 13 guns and 6 mortars. ^
***0n any front of the city open to our attack, the
enemy could bring from 25 to 30 guns (24 and 18
Prs.) and as many mortars as he had men to work.
He had the clear superiority over us, and as experience
had shown his practice to be not inferior to ours, his
25 or 30 big guns must have silenced our 13; but
the matter was still more conclusively settled when the
relative supplies of ammunition came to be compared.
***The return I called for from the artillery park
showed that we had round shot, 24-Prs. 150, i8-Prs.
67 s, or 75 rounds for each24-Pr. and 60 for each i8-Pr.,
barely a third of a day's firing for our breaching guns.
" * For shells we were better ofi, but still very badly ;
and the Commandant of Artillery told me he had no
hopes of receiving any large supplies soon. It was
therefore very clear that all thoughts of a siege in
even its most irregular form must be abandoned, as
our artillery means were inadequate to even one day's
open trenches. Of engineer means we had practically
none at all, and so I put all formal operations quite
on one side for the time being.
I During July and August 3 24-Prs.j 2 i8-Prs., and 12 5I/2" Coe*
horas were added.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
HIS LETTER TO COLONEL LEFROY 41
** * I had then to consider the probabilities of success
for an assault by escalade and demolition of the gates.
***I had been familiar with Delhi for nearly sixteen
years, and knew the ground well.
** * It offered singular facilities for an attack of this class
by reason of the perfect cover that existed close up
to the walls, and under which our columns might be
formed without serious risk from the enemy's fire.
The fortifications opposed no formidable obstacles to
escalade. The counterscarp was an earthen slope, down
which men could pass with but little difficulty.
" * The ditch was dry ; a berm wall of 8 feet and
bastion faces of 16 feet high were no frightful heights
to surmount. The main gate was known not to be
retrenched, and to be easily destructible.
" * The habits of the Mutineers were notoriously lax,
and their capacity to stand face to face with our men
of the smallest. We could muster about 3,500 men
for the assault, all in the best possible spirit, and keen
for the work.
" ' On the whole it seemed to me that a fair chance
of success existed for an assault just at dawn, when
natives are always asleep, and I accordingly recom-
mended that we should make one at once, and
prepared all the details.
" • Events, however, interfered. Poor General Barnard,
the most lovable of chiefs, died of cholera the very
day my recommendation was submitted. He was
succeeded by General Reed, who was incapacitated for
work by severe and continuous sickness. While the
decision was pending we had several severe actions
with the enemy, in which our losses were very material
to so small a force as ours, and it was finally resolved
that the risks were too g^eat. I did not concur in
this view at the moment, but after the action of the
14th (July) I too came to the conclusion that the
time had passed for a successful assault, and when
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42 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
General Wilson succeeded General Reed (17th) I told
him so.
** * Looking back now from the ground of actual
experience, I believe that if we had assaulted between
the 4th and 14th we should have taken the place.
But the same retrospect equally satisfies me that no
evil consequences resulted from the delay, and even
at the time I felt that tlie question was one on which
difference of opinion might most rightly be tolerated,
and I never had any disposition to join in blaming those
who could not come to the same conclusion as I did.
'* ' About the time of General Reed's leaving camp it
was in contemplation to abandon our position before
Delhi, to withdraw the army to the left bank of the
Jumna, and resuming our communications with the
lower provinces, to wait for reinforcements. The step
was never deliberately proposed to me for my opinion,
but a friend gave me a private intimation that it would
be proposed, and that I had best be prepared for it.
I hated the very idea of such a movement, regarding
it as wholly uncalled for, weak and mischievous. I
did not wait therefore for any formal reference on
the subject, but on the day General Wilson assumed
command, I took the opportunity of his sending for
me to consult with me on the whole question of our
position, to urge in the most earnest terms I could
employ, the absolute necessity of our holding the grip
we then had on Delhi like " grim Death," not receding
a foot from the ground we held, and I cheerfully
undertook the responsibility of making the position
tenable against any assaults.
**'I pointed out that even as we then were we had
never met the enemy but to rout him utterly; that
our communications, though exposed, undoubtedly had
never been seriously impaired; that every want we
had was abundantly supplied; that the health of the
troops was wonderfully good, and that I could not
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HIS LETTER TO COLONEL LEFROY 43
think of a single sound reason for retrograding.
Against such a step there were many excellent argu-
ments: — All India would at once believe that we
retreated because we were beaten ; and in circum-
stances like ours a belief of this kind was equivalent
to the severest defeat we could sustain. We must
abandon our communications with the Punjab, and
cease to act as a covering force to the province from
which all the reinforcements we could hope for must
be drawn.
** * We must again fight our way to Delhi against re-
invigorated enemies, increased in numbers and spirits,
when we determined to renew the siege, and we must
cease to perform the incalculably important function
of checkmating the entire strength of the revolt, as
we were then doing, by drawing every regiment of
cavalry and infantry and every battery of artillery
so soon as it mutinied, straight to Delhi, and thus
saving our small and defenceless posts from being
overpowered by them. A long discussion terminated
by the General telling me he was glad to have had
the case placed so fully and clearly before him, and
that he was determined not to move from Delhi.
** * He then requested me to state my views of our
future proceedings. I recommended that we should
remain strictly on the defensive, saving our men in
every way we could ; that we should order down from
Ferozepore an efficient addition to our siege guns to
enable us to secure the superiority of fire on the
front I proposed to attack, and that so soon as these
guns reached us we should assume the offensive with
vigour.
" * I undertook to have the engineer park in perfect
working condition by the same time.
" * To all this he agreed, and desired me to give him
a memorandum of the additional ordnance I thought
necessary, which was given accordingly, and from
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44 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
that time forward we were guided by those plans, and
prepared busily for the resumption of active work on
the arrival of the siege train. I gathered in stores
for our works from all quarters, and by the beginning
of September we were ready for anything, having
gabions, fascines, sandbags and tools of all sorts in
abundance/ ** ^
The result of this interview between Baird Smith and
the General was that, on the i8th of July, Wilson wrote
to Sir John Lawrence — ** I shall hold my position to
the last, for it is of the utmost consequence that the
enemy should be confined within Delhi to prevent
their ravaging the country about. To effect this object
it is absolutely necessary that I should be strongly
reinforced as quickly as possible."
Only an extract of this letter is given in "Selec-
tions from Letters, Despatches, etc., preserved in the
Military Dept. of the Government of India, 1857—58",
edited by George W. Forrest ; but it is probable that
on this date the extra siege train was ordered from
Ferozepore. The siege train ordered from Ferozepore
consisted of —
6
24
Prs.
8
18
Prs.
4
8"
Howr.
4
10"
Mortars,
besides 2 10" Howrs. from Phillour, and 3 heavy
guns were said to be on their way from Phillour, either
18 or 24 Prs.
These, together with the guns previously at Delhi,
made up a total of 63 guns for siege purposes.
While at Roorkee, a fortnight before Baird Smith
had any thought of being personally concerned in the
I The remainder of this graphic letter will be quoted later on.
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CONVERSANT WITH DELHI 45
matter, he had sent to a friend a sketch of the plan
he would recommend, and this was the plan he even-
tually carried out.
He was thoroughly conversant with Delhi and the
neighbourhood, having been employed in the Canal
Department of the province since the year 1840;
and in September, 1856, he had paid a visit to Delhi
with reference to some canal work within the city,
and had thoroughly examined the city and its vicinity.
LETTER FROM BAIRD SMITH TO COL. LEFROY.
**I mentioned to you in a former letter that I had
been personally familiar with the localities about Delhi
for fully sixteen years.
" Two of the canals under my charge terminate there :
one flowing through the heart of the city, and throwing
out branches in different directions through Delhi. In
connexion with this work different plans of improvement
or extension have been submitted to me, and I made
it part of my duty to examine the localities carefully.
It was only in the month of September preceding
the Mutiny that I spent ten days at Delhi, and
almost every day was occupied examining parts of
the city.
"My camp was pitched upon the ground we carried
our operations over, and on the whole I had, before
I joined the force at all, a tolerably minute knowledge
of the important features of the ground both inside
and outside the place."
Below are given two letters from Engineer Officers,
confirming the fact that Delhi was besieged in the
very way Baird Smith considered it should be before
he left Roorkee.
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46 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
COL. MACLAGAN, R.E., TO DR. JOHN SMITH.
** Simla, July 19, 1872.
"My dear Dr. Smith,
" I can very readily confirm Mrs. Baird Smith's
recollections of what I may have written at the time,
concerning her husband's views, before going to join
the Forces at Delhi in. 1857, with respect to the proper
plan of the siege, if a siege should become necessary.
" I cannot at this distance of time recollect the details
of what he said, and of what I afterwards wrote, but
I can say this, that before he was summoned from
Roorkee to take charge of the engineer operations
with the army encamped before Delhi, he had described
to me and others the direction in which he considered
the attack should be made, and the plan which in
his opinion should he followed, and which he would
adopt if he had anything to say to it (He was well
acquainted with the place), and that the siege after-
wards, under his direction, was conducted in the manner
he proposed.
"Colonel Drummond, who was also at Roorkee at
the time referred to, is now here. I have taken the
opportunity of speaking to him on the subject of your
letter, and I have his authority to say that he can
confirm in all respects what I have said above.
" Yours sincerely,
(sd.) "Robert Maclagan. "
COL. DRUMMOND, R.E., TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH.
"Simla, 22 July, 1872.
"My dear Mrs, Baird Smith,
"I cannot only fully corroborate what Colonel
Maclagan has written to your brother-in-law in Bombay
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PROJECT OF ATTACK 47
about the Siege of Delhi, but I can most positively
state that I distinctly remember saying to your husband
after his return from the siege, *The place after all
was attacked in the very way you thought it should
be ', or words to that effect, referring to a conversation
we had on the subject before he left Roorkee to go
to Delhi. I have mentioned the same thing to several
people, and among others, I think, to Brownlow; and
I daresay Mrs. Drummond will remember my saying
to her that Baird Smith had made up his mind as to
the proper way to attack Delhi long before he went
there. Anybody who knew him at all knew how
carefully he forethought things, and how complete his
arrangements were for carrying out his designs.
"Yours sincerely,
(sd.) "H. Drummond.''
" The project of attack provided for a concentrated
and vigorous attack on the front of the place included
between the Water and Cashmere Bastions, provision
being made at the same time for silencing all important
flanking fire, whether of artillery or musketry, that
could be brought to bear on the lines of advance to
be taken by the assaulting columns. Due care was
also taken to protect the exposed right flank of the
trenches from sorties. The left was secured by being
rested on the river, and by the occupation of the
Koodsia Bagh, a very strong post in front.
" The best information procurable indicated that on
the front of attack the fire of from 25 to 30 pieces
might have to be subdued. To effect this, 54 siege
guns were available.'* ^
From July 19th, for a week, every exertion was made
to strengthen the Subzee Mundi Serai and Pagoda
picquets; and after that, attention was given to right
I Col. Baird Smith. Despatch.
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48 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
flank and flank defences, and to the left flank and rear
defences; and about the 22nd of July large numbers of
men were employed in gabion and fascine making.
This work was vigorously continued for the following
month, so that by the end of August everything was
ready for the final operations.
On the 7th of August Brig.-Genl. Nicholson himself
reached Delhi, and on the 14th marched with his
troops into camp. The siege train at this time was
labouring down from Ferozepore, having started on
the 1 2th of August.
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CHAPTER IV.
On the evening of the 12th of August (six weeks
after his arrival) Baird Smith, while out at one of our
batteries, was struck by the splinter of a shell on his
instep and ankle joint. The injury was at first trifling,
and had he been able to give himself rest would
have caused him but little trouble ; but he insisted in
carrying on his work as usual, as far as possible, and
the wound in no way interfered materially with his
duties as Commanding Engineer.
On the 20th of August, Wilson, still in doubt with
respect to the sufficiency of his force for the capture
and occupation of Delhi, wrote to Baird Smitii as
follows :
"My dear Smith,
" A letter has been received from the Governor-
General, urging our immediately taking Delhi, and he
seems angry that it has not been done long ago.
"I wish to explain to him the true state of affairs,
that Delhi is seven miles in circumference, filled with
an immense fanatical Mussulman population, garrisoned
by fully 40,000 soldiers, armed and disciplined by
ourselves, with 114 h^avy pieces of artillery mounted
on the walls, with the largest magazine of shot, shell
and ammunition in the upper provinces at their
disposal, besides some 60 pieces of field artillery, all
of our own manufacture, and manned by artillerymen
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so RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
drilled and taught by ourselves; that the fort itself
has been made so strong by perfect flanking defences
erected by our own engineer, and a glacis which
prevents our guns breaking the walls lower than 8
feet from the top without the labour of a regular
siege and sap — for which the force and artillery sent
against it has been quite inadequate ; that an attempt
to blow in the gates and escalade the walls was
twice contemplated, but that it was considered from
the state of preparation against such an attack on
the part of the rebels, such an attack would inevit-
ably have failed, and have caused the most irreparable
disaster to our cause; and that even if we had suc-
ceeded in forcing our way into the place, the small
force disposable for the attack would have been most
certainly lost in the numerous streets of so large a
city, and have been cut to pieces.
"It was therefore considered advisable to confine
our efforts to holding the position we now occupy,
which is naturally strong, and has been daily ren-
dered more so by our engineers, until the force
coming up from below could join to co-operate in the
attack.
" That since the command of the force has devolved
on me I have considered it imperatively necessary to
adopt the same plan as the only chance of safety to
the Empire, and that I strongly urge upon his Lord-
ship the necessity of his ordering General Havelock's
or some other force marching upon Delhi as soon as
possible. The force under my command is, and has
been since the day we took up our position, actually
besieged by the mutineers, who from the immense
extent of suburbs and gardens, extending nearly to
the walls of the town, have such cover for their
attacks that it has been very difficult to repel them,
and at the same time to inflict such a loss as would
deter a repetition of them. They have frequently been
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GENERAL WILSON'S LETTER TO HIM 51
driven back, but they immediately take refuge under
the grape fire of their heavy guns on the city walls,
and on our retirement re-occupied their former posi-
tions; every such attack upon them has entailed a
heavy loss upon our troops, which we can ill spare,
and has done us little good.
"I shall be re-inforced by a siege train from Fero-
zepore by the end of this or the beginning of next
month, when I intend to commence more offensive
operations against the city; but I cannot hold out
any hope of being able to take the place until sup-
ported by the force from below. As an artillery
officer I have no hesitation in giving my opinion
that the attack on Delhi garrisoned and armed as it
now is, is as arduous an undertaking as was the attack
on Bhurtpore in 1825 — 26, for which 25,000 troops
and 100 pieces of artillery were not considered too
large a force.
"I enclose a return of the original force which was
sent down to capture this strong place, and also a
return of the present effective force, including sick and
wounded, from which his Lordship will see how
desperate would have been any attempt to take the
city by assault, more especially as the mutineers keep
a large portion of their force encamped outside the
city walls, who, on our assaulting the city, could easily
attack and capture our camp with all our hospitals,
stores and ammunition, unless a strong provision was
made against it.
" Something of this sort I intend forwarding to the
Governor-General, and shall be glad if you will return
this with such remarks and emendations as your ex-
perience as Chief Engineer suggests.
"Yours sincerely,
(sd.) "A. Wilson.''
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52 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
Baird Smith once more came to the rescue with
his intrepid and well thought out counsel. " He * im-
mediately drew up a memorandum, stating his reasons
most emphatically in favour of immediate action. He
contended that although there was always hazard in an
assault, the evils of inaction at such a time were so great,
and the chances in our favour were so many that it would
be better to risk the enterprise than to shrink from it.
'* He demonstrated on scientific grounds that although
the material resources of the enemy were far greater
than our own, the superior forethought and skill, and
the perfect union and combination absent from the
designs and operations of the enemy, would give us
an immense advantage over them. He represented
most urgently to the General, that the breaches should
be established, and the assault should be delivered
with the utmost possible despatch, as the enemy once
cognisant of our designs would strengthen their de-
fences without and within the city, and render its
occupation impossible.
"To these ailments, as before, Wilson reluctantly
yielded, but in doing so threw the whole responsibility
on the Chief Engineer.
"The General's words were:
" ' It is evident to me that the results of the proposed
operations will be thrown on the hazard of a die;
but under the circumstances in which I am placed
I am willing to try this hazard, the more so as I
cannot suggest any other plan to meet our difficulties.
" * I cannot, however, help being of opinion that the
chances of success under such a heavy fire as the
working parties will be exposed to, are anything but
favourable. I yield, however, to the judgment of the
Chief Engineer/ (sd.) A. W.
"Baird Smith, transcribing the above, observed: —
*This, I think, every one would allow, places on my
I Kaye's "Sepoy War", Vol. HI., pages 553-554.
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COUNCIL OF WAR 53
shoulders the undivided responsibility for the results
of the Siege.
"*It would doubtless have lightened that burden
greatly had I felt assured of the hearty support and
concurrence of the General in command, but the
withholding of these was not sufficient cause for
hesitating, and I was too glad of even a qualified
consent to immediate action to be careful as to the
terms in which it was given/
"Baird Smith was not a man to shrink from the
responsibility thrown upon him. To say that he cheer-
fully accepted it would be a faint recital of the fact;
he eagerly grasped it."
At a council of war which took place on the 23 rd of
August, Wilson yielded openly to the strong remonstrance
of the Chief Engineer, as given above, and Nicholson
who was present, saw no occasion to interfere by such
very strong measures as, according to Lord Roberts, ^
he intended to use should Wilson refuse to follow the
intrepid advice of his Chief Engineer.
The following extract from Nicholson's letter to Sir
John Lawrence, dated Sept. nth, will show what he
thought of Wilson's weak conduct, and how great he
thought had been Baird Smith's difficulties, which
Wilson had placed in his way.
"The game is completely in our hands, we only
want the player to move the pieces. Fortunately, after
making all kinds of objections and obstructions, and
even threatening more than once to withdraw the
guns and abandon the attempt, Wilson has made
everything over to the engineers, and they alone will
deserve the credit of taking Delhi. Had Wilson carried
out his threat of withdrawing the guns, I was quite
prepared to appeal to the army to set him aside,
and elect a successor. The purport of his last memo-
randum in reply to the engineers (Chief Engineer?)
I Lord Robert's 'Forty-one years in India.*
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54 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
ran thus — * I disagree with the Engineer entirely : I
foresee great, if not insuperable, difficulties in the plan
he proposes, but as I have no other plan I yield to
the remonstrances of the Chief Engineer/ *'
" About the 23rd of August the enemy had gained
tidings of the approach of our siege train from
Ferozepore, and they had determined to send out a
strong force to intercept it. To Nicholson was assigned
the welcome task of cutting this force to pieces. In
the early morning of the 25th, amidst heavy rain,
Nicholson marched with his force out of camp, and
took the road to Nujuffghur — the sun was sinking
when the enemy was espied. Our troops came to a
stream which had, owing to rains, become a river. This
was crossed, and the enemy attacked — the resistance
was resolute and the conflict desperate — the Sepoys
fought well, and there was a sanguinary hand-to-hand
encounter. Many of their gunners and drivers were
bayoneted or cut down, and those who escaped made
their way to the bridge crossing the Nujuff*ghur Canal.
But the attacking party pressed closely upon them.
The swampy state of the ground was fatal to the retreat.
The leading gun stuck fast in the morass, and impeded
the advance of the others. Our pursuing force fell
upon them, and before they made good tiieir retreat
captured 1 3 guns and killed 800 of their fighting men.
" Meantime the Punjabees attacked the village on the
right as well as the other one. A stubborn resistance
was made, but a party of the 6 ist being sent in support,
the despairing energies of the mutineers were suppressed.
Nicholson was master of the field, and the enemy in
panic flight. Our circumstances were not very cheering,
except for the thought of the victory we had gained ;
for our baggage had not come up, and our soldiers
were compelled to bivouac hungry, weary, and soaked
as they were, in the morass, without food or anything
to console them. Next morning (26th) having collected
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SIEGE GUNS ARRIVE FROM FEROZEPORE 55
their spoil, and having blown up their bridge, they
commenced their march back to Delhi, which they
reached that evening. After this there was quiet for
a little space in camp/* ^
" In the early morning of the 4th of Sept. the siege
guns from Ferozepore, drawn by elephants, appeared
upon the Ridge, with an immense assemblage of carts,
laden with ammunition, sufficient it was said, * to grind
Delhi to powder.'" ^
" Baird Smith's project of attack had been prepared
for some time in anticipation, but there was still some
disposition to wait for further reinforcements ; fortunately
this was reasoned away, and on the 7th of September
General Wilson issued an address to the army, manly
and spirit-stirring, and wise in the cautions it conveyed." ^
"It is said to have been written by Baird Smith" —
and this is more than probable, as it was just the kind
of address such a prudent, prescient and intrepid man
would have written.
"The force assembled before Delhi has had much
hardship and fatigue to undergo since its arrival in
this camp, all of which has been most cheerfully borne
by officers and men. The time is now drawing near
when the Major-General commanding the force trusts
that their labours will be over, and they will be rewarded
by the capture of the city, for all their past exertions,
and for a cheerful endurance of still greater fatigue
and exposure. The troops will be required to aid the
Engineers in the erection of the batteries and trenches,
and in daily exposure to the sun as covering parties.
" The Artillery will have even harder work than they
yet have had, and which they have so well and cheer-
fully performed hitherto; this, however, will be for a
short period only; and when ordered to the assault
1 See Kaye's "Sepoy War", pp. 652 — 655.
2 Kaye's "Sepoy War", Vol., IH., p. 549.
3 Kaye's Vol. HI., p. 555.
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56 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
the Major-General feels assured that British pluck and
determination will carry everything before tiiem, and
that the bloodthirsty and murderous mutineers against
whom they are fighting, will be driven headlong out
of their stronghold, or be exterminated ; but to enable
them to do this, he warns the troops of the absolute
necessity of their keeping together, and not straggling
from their columns — by this can success only be
assured.
** Major-General Wilson need hardly remind the troops
of the cruel murders committed on their officers and
comrades, as well as their wives and children, to move
them to the deadly struggle No quarter should be
given to the mutineers ; at the same time, for the sake
of humanity, and the honour of the country they belong
to, he calls upon them to spare all women and children
that may come in their way.
**It is so imperative, not only for their safety, but
for the success of the assault, that men should not
straggle from their column that the Major-General
feels it his duty to direct all commanding officers to
impress this strictly upon their men, and he is confident
that after this warning the men's good sense and
discipline will induce them to obey their officers, and
keep steady to their duty. It is to be explained to
every regiment that indiscriminate plunder will not
be allowed, that prize agents have been appointed, by
whom all captured property will be collected and sold,
to be divided, according to the rules and regulations
on this head, among all men engaged; and that any
man found guilty of having concealed captured property
will be made to restore it, and will forfeit all claims
to the general prize ; he will also be likely to be made
over to the Provost-Marshal to be summarily dealt
with.
"The Major-General calls upon the officers of the
force to lend their zealous and efficient co-operation in
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CONSTRUCTING SIEGE BATTERIES 57
the erection of the works of the siege now about to
be commenced. He looks especially to the regimental
officers of all grades, to impress upon their men that
to work in the trenches during a siege, is as necessary
and honourable as to fight in Ae ranks during a battle.
He will hold all officers responsible for their utmost
being done to carry out the directions of the Engineers,
and he confidently trusts that all will exhibit a healthy
and hearty spirit of emulation and zeal, from which
he has no doubt that the happiest results will follow
in the brilliant termination of all their labours."
** And then began a work almost unparallelled in the
history of modem warfare."
On the evening of the 6th a light battery had been
erected upon the plateau of the Ridge, to the left hand
of the * Sammy * House, to keep the ground clear, and
to protect the operations going on below. This battery
contained eight pieces, under the command of Captain
Remmington. The first heavy battery was traced out
on the evening of the 7th.
"Then night and day worked the Artillery and
Engineers, as those services with the lustre of long
years of past activities upon them, had never, perhaps,
worked before.
" The formation of this battery was a very difficult
piece of work, it was but 700 yards from the enemy's
works. The working parties were interrupted by some
discharges of grape from the Moree Bastion — but the
fire soon, fortunately, died away, and the work went
on without any further interrujption. Before the morning
sun shone upon the scene, the carriages, the cattle and
the camp-followers were cleared away, the ammunition
was stored and the guns ready for work.
"But all the exertions of the Engineers, under the
vigorous direction of Alec Taylor, had not sufficed to
fix the platforms.
"No men could have done more, but they had set
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•iM^> m n
58 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
themselves a task which could not be accomplished in
a single night.** ^
" When this was reported to Wilson he was disposed
to withdraw the guns. But the man in conmiand
(James Brind, afterwards Sir James Brind, G.C.B.) was
not one to go a step backward. Let the Moree batteries
roar as they might, he would not give the order for
the withdrawal of the British artillery. His restless
bravery never halted. He had now the honour of
commencing the attack upon the enemy's works, and
on that morning, in that unfinished battery, the service
was one of extreme danger.
" The morning light revealed our designs to the enemy,
and they poured down from the Moree a pitiless shower
of shot and shell, and endeavoured to take the battery
in flank. Only one gun was mounted when the fire
commenced. Then Brind dragged a howitzer well to
the rear, and fired over the parapet. As gun after gun
was mounted on its platform the inequality of the
conflict ceased, and before the heat of the day had
passed, the fire of the enemy had slackened, and before
sunset it had feebly dwindled away into total quietude.**
Baird Smith thus wrote to Brind: — "No. i Battery
was unquestionably the key of the attack, and on its
success depended the opening of Delhi to our assaulting
columns. The progress of the other batteries depended
essentially on its efficiency; and but for your moral
courage, clear perception, and unwavering resolution
in arming and working it in spite of all obstacles,
consequences would have followed, causing the greatest
embarrassm ent. * *
On the 8th, Battery No. 2 was traced out in front of
Ludlow Castle, 500 yards from the Cashmere Gate.
No attempt was made to complete this battery in
one night.
The work was pushed forward on the nights of the 9th
I Kaye, Vol. III., pp. 558-561.
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CONSTRUCTING SIEGE BATTERIES 59
and loth, and before dawn of the nth the battery was
completed, armed and unmasked.
" Battery No. 3 was traced by Captain Medley on the
evening of the 9th. With a boldness which was not rare,
the Engineers traced this battery within 160 yards of
the Water Bastion. Seeking for a fit site, Capt. Med-
ley discovered a small ruined building, an out-office
of the Custom House, and traced the battery inside
the small ruined building, the outer wall of which con-
cealed the work and gave cover to the workmen.
"This battery was finished and armed on the night
of the nth.
" Another Battery, No. 4, for mortars, was traced and
armed on the night of the loth, in a safe spot in the
Koodsia Bagh, about 300 yards in rear of No. 2
Battery.*' A
"By this time the mutineers had become alive to
the fact that it was not from the right, but the left
that the real attack was to issue ; and they set to work
to mount heavy guns along the long curtain, and
mounted light guns in other convenient places. They
also made in one night, an advanced trench parallel
to the left attack, and 350 yards from it, covering the
whole of their front. This trench they lined with in-
fantry. The heavy guns could not be mounted in time to
anticipate the attack, but the light guns on the morning
of the I ith opened an enfilading fire ; while the infantry
in the new trench opened a hot and unceasing fire.
For a time there was no answer, but at 8 a.m. No. 2
Battery replied, and for the rest of the day the guns
of No. 2 pounded away at the walls.
"During the night the mortars from No. 4 Battery
kept the enemy on the alert with incessant fire. The
rebels, however, were by no means idle, they maintained
a most effective front and enfilading fire on Nos. i
I Malleson, Vol. II., pp. 19-21.
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6o RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
and 2 Batteries, which gave great trouble ; and at one
time it was proposed that Major Reid should make a
night attack on them, and arrangements were accord-
ingly made for that purpose, but the order was counter-
manded, and it was resolved to wait the effect of No. 3
Battery.
" No. 3 Battery was completed on the night of the nth
and morning of the 12th, and at 11 a.m. on the 12th,
Lieutenant Greathed, of the Engineers, with some Sappers
unmasked the embrasures. The battery was commanded
by Major Scott, with Pagan as his second in command.
" At once the six guns of the battery opened with
tremendous effect, and in a few hours the breach
seemed almost practicable. The rebels showed no faint
heart— they continued to pour in a heavy and con-
tinuous musketry fire, and at this time the gallant
Pagan was killed.
"Throughout the day all the batteries poured in a
fire from 56 guns and mortars on the devoted city, when
the exertions of the Bengal Artillery were splendid.** *
The fire continued that day, that night, and the
following day — the enemy still responding, and with
considerable effect. Baird Smith wrote in his despatch :
"These batteries opened fire with an efficiency and
vigour which excited the unqualified admiration of all
who had the good fortune to witness it. Every object
contemplated in the attack was accomplished with a
success even beyond my expectations; and I trust I
may be permitted to say that while there are many
noble passages in the history of the Bengal Artillery,
none will be nobler than that which will tell of its
work on this occasion."
On the afternoon of the 1 3th it was considered that
two sufficient breaches had been made, and Baird
Smith directed that they should be examined. This
dangerous duty was entrusted to four engineer officers.
I See Malleson, Vol. 11., pp. 24-25.
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THE BREACHES EXAMINED 6i
Medley and Lang for the Cashmere Bastion, and
Greathed and Home for the Water Bastion. They
postponed the examination till lo p.m., and the artil-
lery officers in the batteries were requested to fire
heavily on the breach till that hour, and then cease
firing. They were all successful in their examination,
and although fired at, returned untouched to report
that the breaches were both practicable ; but that the
musketry parapets in the Water Bastion had not been
so sufficiently destroyed as they would be if cannon-
ade were prolonged somewhat.
Baird Smith on receipt of these reports did not
hesitate. The dangers of delay, and the worn-out state
of the men in the batteries far outweighed any con-
siderations which the condition of the musketry para-
pets in the Water Bastion might suggest. He at once
advised General Wilson to deliver the assault at
daybreak on the 14th. At 2-15 a.m. on 14th, Wilson
wrote to Baird Smith: "From what I can judge on
reading this (the reports) I should say the assault on
the Water Bastion is hopeless, there is no approach
to it apparently. What do you propose? I have
received no note from yourself. Must we trust solely
to the Cashmere Bastion and Gateway ? You are deter-
mined I shall not have a moment's sleep to-night. Please
reply quick to this, as it may change all our plans."
Wilson, it appears, ordered the assault at 1 1 p.m. on
the 1 3th, the columns to assemble at the places agreed
upon at half-past three a.m. on the 14th, yet we see that
three and a quarter hours after he suggests the hope-
lessness of the assault on the Water Bastion.
Baird Smith no doubt at once reassured him, and
the assault took place as intended by him. Though
preparations had been made to advance to the assault
at 3-30, some slight delay occurred, and the day was
dawning ere the columns were in motion.
"The precise direction which each column was to
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62 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
take was laid down, and Baird Smith had mapped
out in oil paper for each commander, a plan of the
operations entrusted to him and to the other leaders,
to be taken with him for his guidance." ^
"The despatches relate how we attacked at four
points, how all the attacks somehow or other so far
succeeded that our 4,000 men were placed inside the
city, with but little loss in the actual assault, but a
heavy one in driving the enemy from the interior.
"There were of course the ebbs and flows of
fortune — some parties carrying ail before them, others
being driven back, but by nightfall we were in full
possession of about one-third of the city, incomparably
the best part of it for our purposes, and I felt so
confident tliat no force could dislodge us, that I urged
a cautious and systematic advance on the sections
still in the hands of the mutineers." *
"The reason in the delay which occurred in the
signal to advance to the assault was this.
"What Baird Smith had anticipated was now com-
ing to pass.
"During the night, while our batteries were quies-
cent, at the time when the breaches were being examined,
the enemy endeavoured to fill up the main breach
with sandbags and chevaux-de-frise — so orders were
in hot haste sent down to tlie batteries to open fire
again.
" This was done promptly and effectually. Soon the
ramparts were cleared — ^then our guns ceased firing,
and the signal for assault was given." * After the
successful assault, "when Wilson rode down with his
staff to the city, and map in hand, learned distinctly
all that had happened, his first thought was that the
only hope of preserving his army from utter destruction
1 Kaye, Vol. IH., p. 581.
2 Baird Smith's letter to Col. Lefroy.
3 Kaye, Vol. HI., pp. 585, 586.
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THE MAGAZINE TAKEN 63
was to withdraw his columns to their old position on
the Ridge.
" Happily, Baird Smith was with him, and when the
General put the critical question as to what was then
to be done — asking whether he thought we could
hold what we had taken, the answer of the Chief
Engineer was prompt and decisive — ' We must do so/ ^
"Neville Chamberlain, from Hindoo Rao*s house,
sent down a strong appeal in favour of continued
action. But it was to Baird Smith's opinion that
Wilson deferred, and the merit of the ' holding on * is
due to the brave pertinacity of the Chief Engineer.*'
Thus on every occasion when necessary, was it
Baird Smith who infused strength and resolution into
the proceedings, and insisted on Wilson doing what
was right and proper. There were, however, still great
difficulties to be met, "and on that 15 th of September
a great cloud hung over us. The enemy had
purposely left immense supplies of intoxicating liquors
stored in the city, open to the hand of the spoiler.
The Europeans fell upon the liquid treasure, with
an avidity which they could not restrain ; and if the
insurgents had then seized the opportunity, it is hard
to say what calamity might have befallen us, but
fortunately for us, they did not take advantage of it.
"The General ordered the destruction of the liquor;
so the streets ran with spirits, wine, and beer, and
the stimulants so much needed for our hospitals, and
a large amount of valuable prize was sacrificed to
the necessities of the hour.*' *
"On the 1 6th our troops shook themselves free of
the humiliating debauch."
During the preceding night the enemy had evacu-
ated Kishengunj, outside the Kabul Gate; on the
morning of the i6th we took possession of the Magazine.
I Kaye, Vol. m., pp. 618—619.
.2 Kaye, Vol. III., p. 621.
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64 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
The following extract from a letter from Colonel
E. T. Thackeray, V.C., C.B., Bengal Royal Engineers,
to Mrs. Baird Smith is interesting as showing how
much engaged Colonel Baird Smith was with the move-
ments in the city after the assault.
" I remember well being sent for by Colonel Baird
Smith to the quarters in the city occupied by the
Head Quarter Staff, on i6th September, and his giving
me detailed instructions regarding the advance of the
troops to the Magazine, which was about to take place,
and his kind consideration for all those under his orders.
" Sir John Kaye and Colonel Malleson both shewed
that the influence of Colonel B. Smith in determining
the storming of Delhi, and in impressing upon the
Commander the necessity of persevering, was par-
amount.
''Yours sincerely,
(sd.) *'E. T. ThackE]
Wilson was still very despondent - " We have a
long and hard struggle still before us. I hope I may
be able to see it out." *
" Meantime our artillery and engineers were putting
forward their strength in strenuous endeavours to
bombard all the great buildings of Delhi, and to
occupy the houses which afforded cover to the enemy
and impeded our progress into the city. Ever to the
front, ever active, ever fertile in resources, the Engineer
Brigade had much work to do, and did it well in this
conjuncture ^
"On the evening of the 17th the state of affairs was
this : our troops had endeavoured to advance up the
streets towards the palace, but in al;nost every instance
they had been repulsed.
1 Wilson's letter dated i6th Sept.
2 See Kaye, Vol. III., pp. 623-626.
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GENERAL WILSON STILL DESPONDENT 65
"The Magazine and the Bank had been captured,
but the Lahore Bastion was still in the enemy's hands.
No advance had been made in that direction since
the 14th'*; since the brave Nicholson at the head of
his column, made his grand attempt to urge his troops
to follow him, when he was most unfortunately shot
through the body, and had to be gently removed to
the hospital on the Ridge, where he died on the 23rd ;
but he lived to hear that the palace of the Moguls
was occupied by British troops — that the King was
in our hands, and that the undaunted Hodson had
shot the princes with his own hands.
Taylor had returned to the city after two days'
rest in camp, and it was resolved to work through the
houses, and not along the open streets. The progress
was not, however, rapid. On the evening of the i8th
they were little further advanced than in the morning.
"The veterans of the brigade did not fall in very
readily with the views of the young engineers, so
Taylor, with the approval of Baird Smith, went to the
General, and got an order to the Brigadier command-
ing at the Kabul Gate, to place at his disposal 500
men to carry out the proposed design. Early on the
19th the advance began in earnest, and towards night-
^ fall we were in possession of a building behind the
gorge of the Lahore Bastion; and the enemy seeing
their danger, escaped under cover of the night, and
the Bastion became our own. Meantime an attempt
had been made to carry the Lahore Gate by assault,
but it was unsuccessful." *
Even on the i8th Wilson was still in a most depressed
condition : he wrote " We can, I think, hold our present
position, but I cannot see my way out at all.'* But
the next day he was more hopeful — **We are pro-
gressing more satisfactorily: bombarding the city, and
gradually .seizing strong posts in advance of our present
I Kaye, Vol. III., pp. 626, 627.
5
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66 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
position*'; and on returning to his head-quarters in
the city, he learnt that the Lahore Bastion had been
occupied — and this being secured the fall of the
Lahore Gate speedily followed.
On the 20th morning it was found that the place
was well-nigh abandoned, and soon the capture of the
defensive works of Delhi was complete. The Palace
was occupied, and the British standard hoisted.
On the 1 5th Baird Smith was at the temporary head-
quarters at Skinner's House. On the i6th night he was
out by himself reconnoitring for a good position from
which to shell Palace, etc., and had fallen into a trench,
cut across a lane he was traversing ; owing to his weak
foot he had not been able to protect himself, and hurt
his arm considerably. But he did not give way. As
soon as his assistant (Mr. Harry Marten, who had been
with him throughout the operations) had written some
telegrams to Brigadier Chamberlain, he commenced
dictating his despatch.
This kind of work went on daily, and on the evening
of the 2 1st Baird Smith ordered the Engineer Brigade to
take up its quarters in Durriagunj, and told Mr. Marten
that they (Baird Smith and his assistant) would go there
that night. Mr. Marten considered that this would be
risky, as there might be still many rebels lurking about,
and that they would be quite alone. Baird Smith at
once pooh-poohed the suggestion, and they went
there accordingly.
On the 22nd the brigade were all in its quarters,
and there was no more fighting to be done at Delhi.
The state of Baird Smith's health now obliged him to
ask and obtain permission to make over the Chief
Engineership to Captain Taylor.
The excitement over, reaction set in, and Colonel
Baird Smith was so unwell and maimed that he had
to travel in a cart to Kumal, and from there went
on to Roorkee in a palanquin, which place he reached
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REMAINDER OF HIS LETTER TO LEFROY 67
on the 29th, having left Delhi on the 23rd, the day that
Nicholson died.
But little has been said of the state of Baird Smith's
health during the siege, as it in no material degree
interfered with his duties as Commanding Engineer.
Since the siege, however, it has been made the
foundation of statements calculated to deprive him of
the credit of taking Delhi, and giving that honour to
his second in command.
These attempts are most unjust, and the state of
Baird Smith's health so far from diminishing the great
credit due to him for his grand services, should and
did intensify the merit of what he had done. *
The events related in this chapter are narrated as
follows, by Baird Smith himself, in the letter to Col.
Lefroy, of which a part has been already cited.
" * On the Sth Sept. the new guns came into camp,
and with their aid we were now able to place fifty-
six pieces in battery.
"'Of these, 34 were 24 and 18 Prs. or 8" Howrs.,
10 10" and 8" Mortars and 12 Coehorns.
"*We had also received material additions to the
force, both in infantry and cavalry, sent by Sir John
Lawrence, who did noble service for us at the crisis.
"*Our supplies of shot, shell, and powder were
abundant, so there was no just cause why we should
not begin in earnest at once.
" ' My project of attack had been prepared for some-
time in anticipation, but there was still some disposi-
tion to wait for further reinforcements. Luckily,
however, this was reasoned away, and on the night
of the 7th— 8th our first siege battery was constructed
for ten pieces, and opened fire on the morning of
the 8th against the Moree Bastion.
I The extracts of letters from Baird Smith to his wife during the
siege, wiU show this most cleariy, and those written by his assistant,
Mr. Marten, will tend to strengthen the case.
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68 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
***This work commanded the ground over which our
columns of assault would have to pass, so it was
necessary to demolish it. It also commanded the
site of No. 2 Siege Battery, and we could not begin
that till its fire was subdued. Right nobly your brother
blue-coats did their work from the night of the 9th. I
felt quite justified in ordering No. 2 Battery to be begun.
It was originally designed for twenty pieces, 11 24-
Prs. and 9 i8-Prs., but two of the old guns had run
so much at the vents as to be dangerous, so it was
executed for 18 guns, directed against the Cashmere
Bastion and adjoining curtain, with the object of
effecting a breach in tihe latter, and silencing the fire
from the former. No. 3 Battery for ten pieces was
directed against the Water Bastion. (I assume you
have a plan of Delhi.) This battery gave us more
trouble than the others. The site first selected turned
out a bad one, and we then pushed forward for a
better, and found it about 180 yards from the walls
of the place.
"'So in we went, and planted our guns, thus so far
changing the original plan of attack as to substitute
an assault by regular breach at this point, for an
escalade as first contemplated.
"'By the I2th the whole siege works were complete,
and each pouring an iron stream into the place ; No. 4
Battery for 10 mortars, 4 10" and 6 8", feeding the
stream from above.
"*By the afternoon of the 13th we had two capital-
looking breaches — one in curtain to right of Cashmere
Bastion — the other in right face of Water Bastion.
*' *The musketry parapets were riddled to uselessness at
both points, and things seemed all ready for the last blow.
" ' I had the breaches examined during the night of
the 13th, recommended instant assault to prevent the
enemy executing any works in the city, and so at
sunrise on the 14th we went in and won.
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REMAINDER OF HIS LETTER TO LEFROY 69
** * The despatches will tell you the rest, or have told
it: how we attacked at four points, how all the attacks
somehow or other so far succeeded that our 4,000 men
were placed inside the city with but little loss in the
actual assault, but a heavy one in driving the enemy
from the interior.
*'* There were of course the usual ebbs and flows of
fortune, some parties carrying all before them, others
being driven back, but by nightfall we were in full
possession of about one-third of the city, incomparably
the best part of it for our purposes, and I felt so
confident that no force could dislodge us, that I
urged a cautious and systematic advance on the
sections still in the hands of the mutineers. I dreaded
much our little force getting entangled in a succession
of isolated street fights, and as we had, at a moderate
estimate, 20,000 men opposed to us, each of whom
behind a wall was nearly as good as one of our men,
any mistake seemed likely to be dangerous. We
brought in as fast as we could our heavy guns and
mortars, opened sharply with the latter on the enemy's
quarters, and kept up a constant fire on them. We
breached the Magazine wall, and took it without loss,
and by keeping small columns working their way
steadily through the houses, we turned some of the
enemy's strongest positions, captured his guns, drove
him further and further back, losing ourselves very
few men. This sort of work continued for five days,
and the enemy so little liked it, that on the 20th he
fairly gave up the place to us, flying in extreme
confusion, leaving his camp in our hands; and a
column of pursuit drove the fragments of the garrison
across the Jumna, so dispersed as to have lost all
power of doing further harm.
" * Thus terminated this momentous struggle. It was a
fair trial of strength between ourselves and the muti-
nous army; we unaided by any other than local
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70 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
resources; they under conditions the most favourable
they could have had, with the command of about
300 guns, the resources of the largest arsenal in
Upper India at their disposal, a city full of houses
that were each a little fort to defend.
" * It may truly be said that all India were waiting
spectators of the combat.
*** Defeat to us would have been terrible disaster, to
them the death of their cause.
*'*I humbly trust and believe that God helped the
right, and gave us the victory because His own Glory,
our good, and their ultimate good too, were involved
in such an issue.'
"Such, Sir,* is the plain and manly account given by
this gallant officer of his own proceedings. His sub-
sequent wound and shattered health which compelled
his return to Roorkee, are matters of less public
interest.
" I do not think your columns have ever contained
an account of the Siege of Delhi more interesting to
the military reader than the foregoing, and I think
that it amply vindicates his right to all the honours
of the Commanding Engineer.
"I have, etc.,
(sd.) "J. H. L.
"(Colonel Lefroy, R.A.)
"May 6th, 1858."
On the 5th March, 1858, Field Marshal Sir John
Fox Burgoyne, G.C.B., wrote as follows to Colonel
Lefroy.
"My dear Colonel,
"I return Colonel Baird Smith's letter to you,
which I only received yesterday.
"It contains a plain, unvarnished statement of a
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SIR J. F. BURGOYNE'S LETTER TO LEFROY 71
sensible man, and manifestly an excellent officer, of
events of deep interest, and I have read it with much
more gratification than the ordinary flashy, and what
they call graphic letters that are every day published
in the papers.
"It would be quite worth while to make a pretty
full abstract of it in the third person, and have it
put on record in print ; and it would then afford some
valuable materials for the future military historian.
"I do not remember to have heard of Colonel Baird
Smith having received any particular honours or reward
for the brilliant service he performed,, and surely he
highly deserved them.
"I fear that his having resumed his old quiet post
has put him out of sight, and so proverbially out
of mind.
"My dear Colonel,
"Yours faithfully,
(sd.) "J. F. BURGOYNE.
"War Office."
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
CHAPTER V.
"The general direction for the conduct of our en-
gineering operations, often even in minute details,
emanated from Baird Smith.
" His thoughtfulness in respect of everything that could
in any way contribute to our success is patent in the
masses of manuscripts which lie before me. In his own
handwriting may be read all his original conceptions,
and his amended designs ; but these last were rare, for
it was but seldom, except under pressure of altered
circumstances, that he saw any good reason for modi-
fying his first projects.*' ^
"It was said that Baird Smith knew Delhi well, and
in truth he did. He knew Delhi well inside and out."
The extracts of letters from Baird Smith himself, and
from his assistant, given at the end will show this most
clearly.
In the foregoing account Baird Smith's services have
been sketched out, and I feel quite sure that his title
to be considered the one man to whom the capture
of Delhi Wcis mostly due is well sustained. Any un-
prejudiced person who reads this statement as well as
the letters attached, must come to this conclusion ; and
if not, I can only say that he is excessively hard to
convince.
I Kaye, Vol. IE., pp. 575 and 587-88.
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RfiSUMfi OF HIS SERVICES 73
We first see Baird Smith at Roorkee, as a man of
great energy and intelligence doing his utmost, and
successfully, to protect Roorkee from attack, and making
every arrangement for forwarding troops in the direc-
tion of Delhi by the Ganges Canal. While so engaged
he gives his attention to the capture of Delhi, and
early in June, long before he had any idea that he
he would be personally engaged in the operations,
thought out a scheme for the capture, which he sent
to a friend.
Then suddenly he is called for to Delhi, and after
staying two days at Roorkee to make arrangements
for the preparation of a force of pioneers, and the
collection of stores and tools on which he could lay
his hands, he promptly starts, and after a troublesome
journey reaches Delhi at 3 a.m. on the 3rd of July, having
on the 2nd made a forced march of 54 miles, with the
view of being present at a contemplated assault on
Delhi arranged for the 3rd, but only to arrive to hear
that this, like previous proposals of the like nature,
had been abandoned. However, he at once set to work
to master the situation, and on the morning of the
Sth had a long conference with the Commander, Sir
Henry Barnard. At this meeting he proposed that
without delay an assault *^de vive force'* should be
made, and Barnard resolved to give his final decision
at noon. Meantime, sad to relate, Sir Henry Barnard
is seized with cholera and dies. General Reed suc-
ceeds. He was in very bad health and indisposed to
undertake such a serious responsibility. This being
so, Baird Smith loses no time in strengthening our
position on the Ridge in every possible way: first
on our right flank — the key of our position, and
then on our left. He also turns his attention to
the destruction of various bridges which might possibly
be useful to the enemy in their operations. On the
17th of July, General Reed retires to the hills in very
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74 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
bad health, and General Wilson succeeds to the
command.
Baird Smith having heard that a proposal for retir-
ing from our position is likely to be made, at once
resolves to show Wilson how impossible and dangerous
such a movement would be. He has a long interview
with the General, and places his views before him in
the most forcible manner.
The General, after a long discussion, is thoroughly
convinced by Baird Smith, thanks him for having
placed the matter so fully and clearly before him, and
asks him to state what the future proceedings should
be. Baird Smith then recommends that we should
remain strictly on the defensive, saving our men in
every possible way, and at once send for a siege train
from Ferozepore; that as soon as this reached us, we
should assume the offensive ; and he undertook to have
everything ready for the siege by the time the heavy
guns should arrive. Accordingly, from that time forward
5iey were guided by these ideas, and Baird Smith
set busily to work to prepare for the siege ; gathering
in stores and tools from every available quarter.
Wilson was not so steadfast as Baird Smith was,
and on the 20th of August wrote a letter to Baird Smith
which he proposed to send to the Governor-General,
intimating that he could hold out no hope of being
able to take the place until supported by reinforce-
ments froni below.
Baird Smith promptly comes to the rescue, and
writes a memorandum stating his reasons most em-
phatically in favour of immediate action, and represented
that the breaches should be established and assault
delivered with the utmost possible despatch.
Wilson reluctantly yields to his arguments, but throws
the whole responsibility on Baird Smith, and he eagerly
grasped it.
He felt, however, that he had not the hearty support
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
EXTRACT FROM MALLESON'S HISTORY 75
of the General, but was too glad of a qualified consent
to be careful about the terms of it.
On the Sth of September the siege train arrived, but
even then Wilson was disposed still to wait for rein-
forcements; but this was got over, and on the 7th
Wilson issued a stirring address to his troops, which
was said to be written by Baird Smith himself.
Accordingly, on the 7th the siege works commenced.
The work of constructing No. i Battery was a very
heavy one, and in spite of every exertion the battery
was not completed in the morning. Wilson hearing
this, was disposed to withdraw the guns, but Brind who
was in command of the battery, would not hear of it.
It is almost certain that if Wilson had really given
such an order there were those in the camp who
would have put Wilson on one side, and placed another
in command. This strong measure was not requisite,
for the work went on, and after tremendous exertions
the battery was completed, and the masonry of the
Moree Bastion began to crumble.
During the next four days the severe work went
on, and by morning of the 12th all the batteries were
finished; and all through the 12th and the 13th the
batteries continued their breaching operations.
On the 1 3th night the breaches were examined by order
of Baird Smith, and next morning the assault was made.
Even after the assault had succeeded Wilson remained
dissatisfied with the result, and at one time, on the
14th, was thinking of withdrawing again to the Ridge;
but that ever steadfast guide was at Wilson's elbow,
and told him that he 'must hold on.* Wilson for the
third time yields to Baird Smith's determination, and
in five days Delhi was completely in our hands.
I cannot do better than add here an extract from
Malleson regarding Baird Smith, which must, I think,
bring conviction to every one that the principal moving
spirit at Delhi was not Wilson, but Baird Smith.
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76 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
**The Chief Engineer of the army before Delhi
had brought to the performance of his duties the
large mind, the profound knowledge, the prompt de-
cision which had characterized him in his civil work.
"Neither the shock and pain caused by a wound,
nor the weakness and emaciation produced by a
severe attack of camp scurvy aggravated by diarrhoea,
depressed his spirit or lessened his energies. Refusing
to be placed on the sick list, though assured that
mortification would be the consequence of a continued
use of his wounded leg, Baird Smith clung to the
last to the performance of his duty. The advice
which he gave to General Wilson proved that never
was his courage higher, never were the tone and temper
of his mind more healthy, than when bowed down by
two diseases, and suffering acutely from his wound, he
seemed a livid wreck of the man he once had been." ^
I think that every one after reading these papers,
must see that in my remarks in ** Addiscombe: Its
Heroes and Men of Note" I was thoroughly justified
in saying that ** It seems clear that the man to whom
the capture of Delhi was mostly due was without a
doubt Baird Smith, and that without detracting, in
any way, from the brilliant services of Nicholson,
Chamberlain, Reid, Brind, Johnson, Alexander Taylor
and many others, the palm should be presented to
Baird Smith."
Colonel Baird Smith on reaching Roorkee at the end
of September, was unable to leave his bed for three
weeks, and about the middle of October went up to
Mussooree. By the beginning of November he was
"Nearly as good as ever again,'* and was once more
able to walk.
On his recovery he was appointed to the military
charge of the Saharunpore and Moozuffernuggur Dis-
tricts, which he held along with his duties as Super-
I Malleson, Vol. II., pp. 4, 5.
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HIS DEATH 77
intendent-General of Irrigation; and in 1858 Lord
Canning appointed him Master of the Mint at Calcutta.
" This appointment afforded leisure for other public
services which made his manifold powers of usefulness
better known.
'* His crowning service was the Survey of the Great
Famine of 1861, the provision of relief, and the
suggestion of safeguards against such calamities. But
the labours of the journeys, investigations and reports,
followed by the long continued and depressing wet
weather of the season, appear to have revived the
disease originally produced by the exposure and
fatigue of Delhi.*'
**In December, 1861, he left Calcutta for home, and
had to be' carried on board. The sea air revived him
somewhat, but before the vessel reached Madras he
had passed away.
** His body was landed at Madras, and he was there
buried with military honours ; all the Engineer officers
and many other distinguished officials attending the
ceremony.**
It is quite clear from the above that the man to
whom the capture of Delhi is principally due was
Colonel Baird Smith, for he was the man who strength-
ened and secured our position from the assaults of
the enemy. It was he who put strength into the
proceedings throughout, and although receiving **no
moral or material support from the General, whose
whole soul seemed to be absorbed in providing, as
as well as he could, for protecting himself from blame
in case of failure, by shewing that the Chief Engineer
would have his own way, and would pay no attention
to his advice,** insisted on the General following his
lead to victory. As regards Captain Taylor, his second
in command, he acted nobly in his own duty, but he
was in no way responsible for the direction of the
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78 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
siege operations, which entirely lay with Colonel
Baird Smith. Baird Smith always heartily acknowledged
the grand work done by Taylor as his head assistant,
but as regards his own part in the operations Baird
Smith most emphatically " acknowledged obligation to
none but to God, and the capacity He has given me,
such as it is.**
The following extract will show his own views on
the subject —
EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH,
DATED THE 12 ... . 1860.
"You may, I think, dismiss from your mind, all
sense of trouble about injustice done to my work at
Delhi. It is just as certain as that I am alive to say
so, that, from the day I joined to the day I left, not
a single vital act was done but under my orders, and
on my sole responsibility. I know well that but for
my resolute determination in the matter there would,
humanly speaking, have been no Siege of Delhi at
all; and even that assault which gave value by its
success to all the exertions that were made, would
have ended in deplorable disaster, if I had not
withstood with effect, the desire of General Wilson
to withdraw the troops from the city on the failure
of Brigadier Campbell's column. Nobody does a
heartier justice to Taylor's devotion, capacity and un-
wearied zeal than I do. No personal consideration
would for one moment induce me to detract even in
the faintest degree from them. But he was throughout
my most able and most trusted subordinate, working
wholly at my risk, and on my responsibility in the one
department entrusted to him, viz., the Executive duties.
"But to suppose that these duties, important though
they unquestionably are, are either the sole or most
important ones that fall on a Chief Engineer in such
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EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO HIS WIFE 79
a siege as that of Delhi, and under such a chief as
Wilson is a great mistake.
" If Taylor had not been there to do the field work,
I am quite satisfied there were other men in the
brigade who would not have failed, though I don't
think any of them would have done so well, because
none of them had his practical experience in the
details of such work. But on the other hand, I have
what is not, I hope, a presumptuous confidence that
if I had not been there, there was no other man in
the camp who could have influenced the course of
events so much, and secured even from the most
impracticable of Commanders an equal respect for his
judgment as I did ; and in doing so, from first to last
I acknowledge obligation to none but to God and the
capacity he has given me, such as it is I care so
little to talk of myself that I may have been too
little self-assertive, and cried out my claims to justice
too feebly, but men must act according to their
natures, and I feel no inclination to contradict mine.
**If we had failed at Delhi, there would have been
no word of Taylor or anybody else.
**He and all the rest would at once have said,
*We only carried out the Chief Engineer's orders —
the plans were all his, and his is all the respons-
ibility ; Wilson would have said, * I certainly agreed
to Baird Smith's proposals, but I utterly disapproved
of them, and gave him distinctly to understand that
the undivided responsibility for the results rested on
him.' This was quite true, and his thoughts were
never how he could help me, but how, in the event
of failure, he could save himself, and transfer all the
blame to me.
" Success quite alters the course of events. Then
subordinates, or their friends for them, rush forward
to claim credit where they bore no risk, and if they
can pluck a flower from the chaplet of tfie man who
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8o RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
bore all the risk, they are not very scrupulous in
doing so. However, I have long ceased to feel any
excitement about conduct of this kind, and in the
clear consciousness that the work God gave me to do
was done wholly, thoroughly and successfully to the
utmost of my strength and ability, and under circum-
stances that intensified whatever merit it had, I do not
seriously concern myself about other results. I do not
myself find much fault with Russell. He clearly knew
only the camp gossip, or interested details told him
by men themselves, or their friends, about what took
place at Delhi — personal knowledge he had none. Still
it was needful to make his letters spicy and interest-
ing. He knew that some detraction from prominent
Delhi men would be very grateful at Lord Clyde's
Head Quarters, where the Capture of Delhi was always
an offensive topic, so he just followed his function,
not meaning any particular harm, and he never
alluded to me personally otherwise than in most
unobjectionable terms, especially after my letter to
Lefroy was published in the 'Times'.*'
The extract following will show what a very distin-
guished man, himself a hero, thought of the conduct
of the Siege.
EXTRACT OF LETTER FROM GENERAL SIR JAMES BRIND,
G.C.B., R.A., TO MRS. BAIRD, 1 3 BELMONT PARK,
LEE, DATED 8 JUNE, 1870.
"I return your letter to the Editor of * Good Words',
with many thanks for the confidence you repose in me
as one of your late noble-hearted husband's most
cognizant comrades, admirers and friends. I had not
read the narrative you bring to notice, but I now
see from it, and the many references to the services
performed at Delhi, and afterwards, that the requests
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EXTRACT FROM SIR J. BRIND'S LETTER 8i
of many friends may induce me to try and correct
misstatements however perpetrated; and furnish in-
formation regarding those who knew and did their
duty as faithfully and successfully as those who secured
the favour of the notoriously prejudiced writer for
the 'Times'; but on this deeply interesting subject I
hope soon to consult you, when in answer to my
last enquiry I know your convenience. I have much
to tell you regarding Mr. Kaye and the long promised
work (2nd Volume of the Mutiny). I can support
most fully what you so feelingly and modestly have
brought to the Editor's notice. No one had better
opportunity for judging the relative merits of the
Chief Engineer and his subordinate officers during those
eventful days than myself, and with reference to the
Chief and his second in command. Captain (now
Colonel) A. Taylor, I do not hesitate to say they
were both unsurpassed for ability, zeal and true
British spirit and fitness for their respective duties
throughout the Siege of Delhi, by any engaged there.
If, as I believe to be true, the Chief Engineer wanted
the great physical strength and power of enduring
exposure, for which Captain Taylor was so conspicu-
ous, it must be conceded by all who knew the strong
man in planning, superintending, and in the vitally
momentous council, that the Executive Field Engineer
could not have carried out the operations in the re-
spects which properly and gloriously devolved upon
Colonel Baird Smith! Second to none in the Delhi
Field Force for patient endurance under severe suf-
fering, and that moral courage which, united with
Nicholson and some other like spirits, under God's
blessing crowned our exertions with success. No man
was cooler, or more encouraging to others under dan-
ger from the outside foe, and the still more serious
enemy within the garrison^ than the Chief Engineer , *
I The italics are mine. — H. M. V.
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82 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
to whose memory y in connection with this and his
other great services^ justice has yet to be done.
"Ever yours most sincerely,
(sd.) "James Brind.**
From Nicholson, Baird Smith had great support, as
that noble officer's views were the same as his own,
and every one knows that by his defeat of the rebels
at Nujuffghur he secured the safety of the siege train
which was on its way from Ferozepore. Again, the
brilliant and determined way in which Sir Charles
Reid held, throughout the operations, our position on
the right, was of the utmost benefit to the siege ope-
rations, as it was truly the key of the position, which
if lost would have led to almost irretrievable disaster.
Colonel Baird Smith describes the strategical import-
ance of Major Reid*s position in a letter to that officer
dated the 14 January, 1859. This letter, in addition to
others relating to Capt. Alexander Taylor, is introduced
as illustrating the noble character of Colonel Baird
Smith, by showing how unstinted was his praise when
he thought it was really earned. He thus expressed
himself: —
"To any one who had personal opportunities of
judging of the importance of the position you held at
Delhi it would be difficult, I may in truth say, an
impossible matter to exaggerate it. The whole question
of our ability to maintain our position in front of the
place hinged from first to last on the practicability of
holding the Ridge, and the tenure of the Ridge depend-
ing necessarily dn its exposed right flank — witii its
accumulation of defensive works — being successfully
maintained against all attacks. This conclusion was
quite as clear to the enemy as to ourselves; and the
possession of the 'Paharee*, as we well knew, was the
one great feature in the operations from which they
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HIS LETTER TO MAJOR REID 83
never departed, and to attain which they launched
against your picquets wave after wave, so to speak,
of new and fresh troops as these successfully joined
the garrison. If they had displayed but a tithe of the
perseverance and resolution shown in their attacks on
your position in operating on our rear, and our only
line of communication, it has always been my convic-
tion that our position would have proved an untenable
one. Happily for us, and for India, they concentrated
their best and most sustained efforts on that point
where, by what I have ever thought one of his happiest
conceptions. Sir Henry Barnard had placed the man
of all others in the force best qualified to hold, with
an invincible tenacity and an almost superhuman
vigilance, such a post.
"These are not mere words of course, they express
my heartfelt belief; and if I were ever to write the
history of the Siege, they indicate the spirit in which
I should conceive myself bound by a simple sense of
justice to bear my testimony to your services and
merits; and as it is founded on a thorough knowledge
of botih, I should have no fear of being accused of
exaggeration. Holding, then, as I do, that the right
flank was, as it were, the very heart of our position,
and that injury to it must have been fatal to the
force — certainly so far as its strategical efficiency was
concerned — and probably even to its very existence,
I do not think that the man to whom under God we
owe mainly our safety and that of the Empire from such
crushing disaster, has been worthily rewarded by having
received only what you have done, nor do I think that
you have overestimated your just claim to consideration.'*
Colonel Baird Smith always acknowledged in the
heartiest manner his sense of Capt. Taylor's most
valuable services.
By referring to his letter to his wife, quoted a few
pages back, tihis fact will be accentuated.
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84 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
In his official despatch dated \^ Sept., 1857, he
thus writes of Taylor.
"To my 2nd in command, Capt. Taylor, Director
of the Trenches, I have been indebted for the most
constant, cordial and valuable assistance throughout
the whole period of the operations. Gifted with rare
soundness of professional judgment, his adviceh as been
sought by me under all circumstances of difficulty or
doubt, and I find that I cannot express too strongly
to the Major-General my sense of the valuable ser-
vices this officer has tendered."
In a letter to a friend in the Royal Artillery, quoted
on page 576 of Kaye's 3rd Volume, he thus expressed
himself:
" I would not willingly do the very faintest injustice
either to Captain Taylor or to any of the other
officers of the brigade to whose noble co-operation,
given always without reserve, and in the most cordial
spirit, I was so deeply indebted, and for which I have
done my best upon all occasions to express my grati-
tude. These feelings are especially strong in reference
to Taylor, whom I found to be ever, not only the
most energetic and competent of seconds, but in all
relations a true and right-hearted gentleman. I should
be ashamed of myself if I permitted any petty feeUngs
to influence me in estimating his worth; and I feel
assured that no credit which may be due to me will
ever be really diminished by my doing the amplest
and heartiest justice to every man who worked under
my orders.''
The officers of the Bengal Artillery in every possible
way did their duty most nobly. Perhaps if any of
those were to be singled out for special praise, it would
be Major Brind, who had command of the Key Battery
No. I . Everyone indeed did their duty most splendidly —
but this fact in no way lessens the very great merit
of the Chief Engineer in designing the operations to
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^m
MONUMENT IN CALCUTTA CATHEDRAL 85
be undertaken, and in carrying them out, in the teeth
of great and continuous obstruction from the Commander,
to a glorious victory.
This memoir cannot be more fitly closed than by
a transcript of the inscription placed on the monument
erected to his memory in the Cathedral of Calcutta.
The inscription was composed by Colonel Sir Henry
Yule, K.C.S.L, C.B., and is a truthful record of
Colonel Baird Smith's public life.
" In memory of Colonel Richard Baird Smith, of the
Bengal Engineers, Master of the Calcutta Mint, C.B.,
A.D.C. to the Queen, whose career, crowded with
brilliant service, was cut short at its brightest. Born
at Lasswade, N.B., December the 31st, 18 18, became
to India in 1838. Already distinguished in the two
Sikh wars, his conduct on the outbreak of revolt in
1857, showed what a clear apprehension, a brave heart,
and a hopeful spirit could effect with scanty means in
crushing disorder. Called to Delhi as Chief Engineer,
his bold and ready judgment, his weighty and tenacious
counsels played a foremost part in securing the success
of the Siege, and England's supremacy; and the
gathered wisdom of many years spent in administer-
ing the irrigation of Upper India, trained him for his
crowning service in the survey of the great famine
of 1 86 1, the provision of relief, and the suggestions
of safeguard against such calamities. Broken by ac-
cumulated labours, he died at sea, December the 13th,
1 86 1, aged scarcely 43. At Madras where his career
began, his body awaits the resurrection unto life;
whilst here the regard and admiration of British India
erect this cenotaph in honour of his virtues and public
services.''
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PART 11.
COLONEL BAIRD SMITH'S LETTERS TO HIS WIFE
DURING THE SIEGE.
This valuable collection of letters written by Colonel
Baird Smith to his wife at Roorkee consists of seventy-five
letters; sixty-six from the camp at Delhi, and nine
during his journeys from Roorkee to Delhi and vice-
versa.
He had resolved that he would write daily to his
wife, but owing to stress of work he was unable to
do so; still he managed to send her sixty-six letters
in eighty-two days.
Fifty-one of these letters were written when General
Wilson was in command.
It would appear that he had been warned by a
friend that Wilson was likely to be captious, but for
some time he got on well with him. By the end of
July he begins to think his friend was right, and as
time goes on he finds the General frequently obstruc-
tive, so much so that in August he has more and more
trouble with him, and during the siege operations he
finds him literally the greatest obstacle extant to vigor-
ous exertions, and believes his mind to have been off
its usual balance, as the General * cuts ' him, and only
communicates officially through the Staff!
No one can fail, I think, to be struck by the cheery
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LETTERS TO fflS WIFE 87
nature of his letters, and how strong, helpful and hope-
ful he is throughout ; contrasting wonderfully with the
General who is always desponding, except when im-
mediately under the influence of Baird Smith's stronger
and more buoyant nature.
The latter never gives way or desponds — never
croaks. Throughout he insists on his scheme of attack,
and always, though with difficulty, carries the General
with him.
He never gets support from the General, but is
always giving support to him, and insisting on his
doing what is right; on all occasions he is for vigor-
ous action, when action is possible; and although
sometimes chaflng at inaction, and the obstruction of
the General, endeavours when possible to keep his
temper under control, in the interest of public duty.
He is always thinking of his work, and doing his
utmost to carry it out in every way regardless of self.
All matters were fully attended to. Strengthening pos-
ition so as finally and within a month to make it
really impregnable. Giving his earnest attention to
sanitary measures for the improvement of the health
of the camp. He urges the General to save his men
by ordering them not to advance too much in pursuit
of the enemy so as to get under the command of
the guns of the fortress.
Making the utmost endeavours to get everything
ready in his own department for the coming siege,
and doing his best to help other departments; kind
and considerate for those under him, working out his
scheme in the fullest details, and insisting on carrying
it out intact in the teeth of great opposition.
The siege works were finally carried out most
successfully, though not quite so quickly as he wished,
owing to difficulties placed in his way by others.
Prudent, prescient and energetic in the highest degree,
he achieved a grand success in spite of the General.
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88 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
Even when the General thinks of retiring again to
the 'Ridge' he places an emphatic veto on it, and
presses onwards to victory.
Then, when all is over, and success is complete, he
resolves to take the rest which is his due, and absolutely
necessary; but very shortly is again as busy as ever,
attending to the re-organisation of his department, as
well as to the military charge in the Districts of
Saharunpore and Mozuffemuggur.
The force under his command at this time consisted
of 1,500 men and 10 guns, their duty being to watch
the river frontier of these districts — a length of 60
miles; and the Government were certain that what-
ever could be done by vigour and foresight, with small
means, would be done by the Commander to whom
this trust was given.
LETTERS FROM DELHI FROM COLONEL BAIRD SMITH
TO HIS WIFE.
No. I. "Saharunpore, 27th June, 1857.
" Here we are safe and right so far. Of course
Captain Read's ^ arrangements for our third horse
broke down, and we had to drive two the whole
way. In spite of this, though, we throve better
than Robertson ^ and Spring ^ who had four horses,
and yet managed to get two falls with them. We
arrived in very good time; had a few drops of rain
by the way ; found Brownlow * not in his own house,
but in Mr. Spankie's, ^ where we all had breakfast,
and met the Saharunpore public. We move on again
this evening, and have every prospect of a quiet march.
1 Capt. H. E. Read, 30th N.I., Supt. Deyra Dhoon Forests.
2 Capt. A. C. Robertson, H.M.S., Dep.-Supt. Ganges Canal.
3 Capt. Spring, H.M. 24th.
4 Lt. H. A. Brownlow, B. Engr.. now Lt.-Genl.
5 Robert Spankie, Magistrate, Sananinpore, who protected the Hill
Stations and sent men and materials to Delhi for Engineer Park.
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^^^
LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 89
" The little Goorkas have just given the Goojars on
our route a very severe lesson, killing some 250 of
them in fair fight. This was just at the Ghat we have
to cross. So it will smooth and secure our way for us.
** I am getting a lot more of the things we need, and
Brownlow is bringing up no end of stores.
** Do not expect to hear from me for two or three
days, as we shall be quite out of the post, and will
not come within it till we arrive at Kurnal.
** The weather is very pleasant as yet for this rough
and ready sort of work, and I hope it may keep so
till we get to Delhi."
No. 2. ** Saharunpore, 28th June, 1857.
"It poured incessantly here all yesterday, and
all last night, so marching was a hopeless business,
and the whole of our little camp world was damped
almost to death, in spirits at any rate, if not in flesh.
However, a blink of sunshine will set them all right
again, and there seems some small promise of it to-day.
" I hope to get off in a few hours, and will march
all day. I separate my personal party from the convoy,
which proceeds by a safer and better though longer
route, under Brownlow and Mr. Willcocks. They too
will get oft to-day, I hope. We go straight across to
Kurnal, and all going well, expect to be there to-morrow
some time or other. Robertson ^ goes with me.
" Spring ^ also leaves to-day. I got a capital night's
rest, and am quite up to a steady good day's work.
Mr. Marten ^ and the office people are of my party,
but we shall have to leave one of our tents with
Brownlow, as we cannot otherwise get our traps on
the elephants.'*
1 Capt. A. C. Robertson, H.M.S.
2 Capt. Spring, H.M. 24th.
3 Mr. Harry Marten, Col. Baird Smith's Civil Asst.
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90 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
No. 3. '* Bank of the Jumna,
2-30 p.m., Monday, June 29th.
"Here we are in the agonies of passing the
river, and I have borrowed a pen that won't write,
but it will suffice to tell you that so far we have got
on very well, though of course in a scrambling fashion
enough. We left Saharunpore yesterday afternoon about
half-past three, with of course the usual host of diffi-
culties; but we made thirteen miles before nightfall,
and are likely to make fifty to-day, but we shall still
be a few miles short of Kurnal. It is rough work,
but I never felt better in my life than under it."
No. 4. "Camp Koonjpoora, near Kurnal,
"June 30th, 1857.
"Last night we reached this place, having been
on the move from about five in the morning till
nine at night. We dined at the fashionable hour
of half-past eleven at night. Strange to say, this utter
irregularity seems rather to agree with me than
otherwise. We are now waiting for breakfast, after
which Robertson and I ride in to Kurnal, leaving the
camp here till later in the day, so as to spare cattle
and servants as much as possible, since they had a
terrible day of it yesterday. We got across the
Jumna with no other difficulty than that caused by the
decided objection of the horses to getting into the
boats. We had to drag them in with ropes, hoist
them in with poles, and take other liberties with them.
None of us feel any the worse from the exposure.
Indeed it was a much better day for us than to-day
when there is scarcely a cloud in the sky. I value
clouds even more than Ruskin ever did, though not
for his reasons. I shan't hear anything from camp
till we get to Kurnal, and my future movements must
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 91
be guided thereby. We are only about 6 miles short
of it, and will soon canter in.
" I p.m. Kurnal. — We go on to-night again and
reach Gurcunda.**
No. 5. "July 1st, 1857, Paniput.
**This is written under very quaint circumstances
in the Post Office at Paniput, about ten at night.
We are all well, and getting over the ground com-
fortably enough. We have just passed Major
Laughton, in tiie dark, however, so we had no con-
versation wifh him. As it is frightfully hot in this
pokey little place, I will only say *God bless you."*
No. 6. "Camp Sureoli, July 3rd, ^ 1857.
"We finished our march last night about one,
and about four I was roused out of bed by a very
urgent letter from Chesney, begging me to try and be
in camp to-night. The distance was 50 miles, and the
chance of accomplishing it very seedy-looking. How-
ever, I determined to try, and started at 8 a.m. for
this place, 1 8 miles from our halting place. Robertson
and I came together. We halted at a place called Kallee,
and had some breakfast, and a feed for our horses;
and then set off again, reaching this place about
2 p.m. You may fancy that the heat was rather
terrific, but it has done us no sort of harm, and I
have met here an old friend in Captain McAndrew, ^
who gave me a dinner on the night of the battle
of Aliwal, and does the same td day. May it be au-
spicious. We are to have the Raja of Jheend's car-
riage to take us one stage, an elephant to take us the
second, and we hope to get horses for the final one
1 2nd?
2 Capt. George McAndrew, 47th N.I., Asst. Comr. Lahore Divi-
sion, season of 1841.
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92 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
in to camp. If so we shall be there about midnight,
having travelled 50 miles since 8 this morning. I had
hoped to have caught the mail-cart, if suddenly sum-
moned in this fashion, and in fact did catch it, but
found it occupied by two men who would not let the
coachman stop to hear my story. I don't feel a bit
tired, and am keeping in excellent health, but getting,
ohl so black — I expect to be burnt to a coal-colour
before we are done with this sort of thing. We shall
leave after we have had some dinner, and all going
well, I hope my next letter will be from camp.
" The reason I am summoned so suddenly is that an
assault is to be made to-night, and it is extremely
desirable I should be there. I shall arrive probably
two or three hours before it is made, but will not
assume command till it is over, as the Acting Chief
Engineer ^ has had all the labour of making the ar-
rangements, and I certainly won't deprive him of any
of the credit that is his fair due."
No. 7. "Delhi, 3rd July, 1857.
"I got in here this morning about 3 a.m., ter-
ribly tired of course, after a fifty-two miles' journey,
and I came in to find that, as usual, the scheme of
action was all over, and nothing was to be done, so
my exertions were useless. We got over the ground
easily enough, and I have just had a couple of hours'
sleep, and am quite jolly again. I hope to get out
this afternoon to see how things look; as yet, of
course, I have seen nothing, and feel rather blind in
my work.
"The enemy is perfectly quiet to-day. He did in-
tend attacking, and may do so yet, but it is rumoured
that they have had an internal riot which for the
day has paralysed them."
I Capt. Alex. Taylor.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 93
No. 8. "Camp Delhi, 4th July, 1857.
"There has been a good deal of pounding
this morning. The enemy detached a party last
night to our rear, to interrupt the communication
with Kurnal, and were followed from camp and
attacked, though with what results we do not yet
know. They are, however, good, as usual. I am in
great anxiety about Mr. Marten and my camp people.
They were to have arrived this morning at the place
where the enemy were last night, and no doubt they
have fallen back. The escort party I sent out had
dispersed, some having been taken by the enemy,
but our party is probably quite safe, and will turn
up in time. I am much pressed for time to-day, and
as you see, for paper, so I must be content with a
short note.'*
No. 9. "Camp Delhi, Sth July, 1857.
** Still quite quiet here; and yesterday's scrim-
mage, for it scarcely deserves any other name,
ended in no great harm to anybody. I am grieved
to say, however, that our old General, whom at first
sight one learns to love, is lying at the point of death.
I had a long talk with him this morning, and left
him about seven, not looking worse than usual. I
went down at eleven, and was received with the news
that the poor old gentleman was dying.- He has
been terribly harassed for the last month, and has
sunk under the weight of his anxieties and troubles.
I am very sorry we have lost the good old man. I
fancy Brigadier Wilson will command the Field Force,
and it is some comfort that he will be a command-
ing officer, at any rate,
"I am glad to report to you that after rest for a
night or two, I have got into a flourishing state of
health again. I was a good deal knocked up by the
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94 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
scrambling and discomfort, but that has passed away
now. I can't say much for the prospects of usefulness
before me, but it is early to talk of those yet, and
so rU keep them for a while. At present we can
do but little in any shape or form. However, the
good time will no doubt come, and will be taken
when it does.
*' I can scarcely tell you of any domestic details as
I have been very roughly put up since I left my own
camp. However, Mr. Marten came in all safe and
sound this morning, and the whole camp with him.
The tents are pitched, and I dressed in the little
bechoba this morning. It was very hot, but it was
a comfort to be in a place of one's own. I mean
to sleep there hereafter."
No. lo. "Camp Delhi, 6th July, 1857.
"I have only time to-day to write a very few
words as, having had to attend the funeral of
poor old General Barnard, the dak hour has come
suddenly upon us. We continue to keep well, but
make no perceptible progress in our work. It is
rather heart-breaking, but I suppose it will come to
a crisis soon. It ought to do so, and all I can do to
bring it on I am doing.
•*We have, however, as yet no General. The new
man, General Reed, being a feeble valetudinarian
scarcely able to ride. I saw Mr. Baillie ^ and Mr.
Dickens last night — both were looking well, but
sharing the general feeling of dissatisfaction in the
camp."
No. II. "Delhi, 7th July, 1857.
"We are still standing fast, and the mass is ter-
ribly inert, and not to be moved to action easily.
I Lt. G. Baillie, B. Art.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 95
I sent in my * ultimatum' yesterday, strongly urging
an immediate assault, and stating that in so far as
this Dept. was concerned every (preparation?) for it
was made, and ready for final orders. I greatly fear,
however, that final orders are still a long way off, as
people do so slip through your fingers here, and
when you think you have pinned them to a resolution,
you find they have wandered from it wholly. Oh
for a man to command us 1 We are perfectly, rather
ignominiously safe, and there lies Delhi, Mosque, and
Minaret, and inaccessible. However, I am working
in my usual fashion, and will, I daresay, effect some-
thing in the end.'*
No. 12. '*8th July, 1857.
"I was up this morning at I a.m., out in the
sun till I p.m., writing ever since, and now I am
clean done, and can scarcely keep my eyes open.
"We went out with a strong force to destroy a
bridge^ very near the enemy's position. We had 18
guns, about 400 cavalry, and 1,000 infantry, and
a very pretty show it was. We reached the ground
just at daybreak, when the sappers began work at
once. When the explosion took place it was beauti-
ful, and the necessary demolition of the most perfect
kind. The enemy not only never looked near us, but
bolted into the city as soon as we made our appear-
ance. We had done everything by 9 o'clock, and
Mahommed Khan was ready with an 'al fresco*
breakfast."
No. 13. "Delhi, 9th July, 1857.
"This has been a bewildering sort of day. Our
first disturbance to-day was a grand shouting in
camp, which turned out to be a regiment of Native
I Busaye Bridge, over NujufFghur Jheel Channel
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96 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
Irregular Cavalry running *a-muck' or something
like it. The Mutiny fever had seized them, and we
had allowed a large body of the enemy's cavalry to
get right into camp. They were soon knocked on
the head, a lot of them killed, the rest running away.
Then came news that the enemy was out in force
on the right of the camp. I went out, and joined
the General remaining a while with him, and then
going all over the position to see how matters stood.
The enemy was, as usual, heartily beaten, and is said
to have lost about 1,000 men. What our loss has
been yet, I don't know, but nothing serious, I believe.
Then it rained the whole day, and I was soaked through
and through, but I changed as soon as I came in,
and am none the worse from it, and every other moment
has been taken up with work. However, things don't
mend in appearance, and though we beat the enemy
always we produce no final results. In the Brigade
we are all at one, and it is as clear as noon-day
that our sole chance of taking Delhi is by an assault,
which grows more and more difficult with every day's
work. I hammer this into everybody, but I can't see
yet that I produce much effect. However, I have put
my opinion on record, and though I dislike my posi-
tion very much, in being able to do so little, still I
must be patient.
" We all continue very well here in spite of our
difficulties. Brownlow came in this morning in great
spirits, and brought all his people with him, except
about 30 who ran away."
No. 14. "Camp before Delhi, loth July, 1857.
"The affair of yesterday hast cost us about 50
killed and 100 wounded. Captain Robertson was
in the thick of it with his regiment, but got out all
right. I greatly grudge the loss of so many men at
a time when every life is precious to us. But we
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LETTERS TO fflS WIFE 97
cannot of course refuse the attack, and so we go on.
I keep jolly enough myself, but an army without any
real head is no pleasant machine to belong to, and I
find myself half wishing I were sick. This, however,
is a faint-hearted notion, and we must face our diffi-
culties, not shirk them. There is no real danger in
our position, but the inaction is most oppressive to
mind and body."
No. 15. "nth July, 1857.
" I sent in my project of attack on the 6th, but
as yet they have not taken any notice of it. I
saw the General deep in the papers yesterday morn-
ing, and perhaps he may make up his mind on one
side or the other in time. I hear it has been deter-
mined to wait for General Grant, and how long that
implies, it is diflficult to say. However, all things are
in God's hands, and I am content to wait His issues,
having done all I could."
No. 16. '*i2th July, 1857.
"I suspect it is determined that we are not to
assault, a foregone conclusion which will be com-
municated to me only after it has been come to.
It seems to me we have almost passed the time for
a successful operation of the kind, though I would
have tried -it Anyhow, it is infinitely desirable that
we should arrive at a final conclusion, as our future
work must depend a good deal on what that may be.
I believe the Adjt.-General comes to me this evening
to talk over matters, when I hope some issue will be
arrived at."
No. 17. "Camp Delhi, 13 July, 1857.
"I suspect it has been determined not to assault,
the risks are considered too great. However, don't
7
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98 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
say anything about this. I have still held to my
recorded opinion that our only chance lay in this,
though I could not deny that it had great chances
against its success. If nothing active is done here, it
will be, I hope, elsewhere, and that we may not
remain here useless and inactive.
"The news from Agra is not good, and the people
who have shut Mr. Colvin up in the Fort, have now
left him there, and are coming to Delhi. I suppose
they will come out, give us one fight more, and then
lapse into quiet like the rest. I have no sort of fear
for ourselves ; our position is, I believe, impregnable
by any such enemy, and we will hold our own
firmly, if compelled to do no more."
No. 1 8. " 14th July, 1857.
"The enemy is out again to-day. I went out
with Chesney to the battery on the right to see what
was going on.
"Yesterday I had what, to my own mind at any
rate, seemed a final and decisive interview with the
old General, and the result is that he informed me
he thought the project of an assault too hazardous,
and should it fail, carrying with it consequences too
formidable to be risked. The old man had evidently
been taught his lesson, and he repeated his conclusion
to me as though from a book. I could only say that,
looking more to the benefits of the success I antici-
pated, than to the results of af ailure I did not antici-
pate, I had come to the result that an immediate
assault was best, though I could not and never had
denied, that if it failed, the failure most be disas-
trous. And so our confabulations ended ; and I fancy
we are now to remain vigorously on the defensive,
and make a sort of gigantic Roorkee of our camp.
" I am grieved to say we have lost poor Walker ; ^
I Lt. Edmund Walker, B. Engr.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 99
he died last night, and was buried this morning. I
started to go with the party, but was so out of sorts
as to be obliged to give in. Since then Mr. Pococke
has been taken ill, and lies in a very precarious state.
I don't like our position. It is too crowded, and is
very ill-ventilated; and I must try to get a more
open one for the camp. We have at last got a
doctor to ourselves, which is some gain, though he is
not very well equipped.
"You will have seen the sad news from Jhelum,
where the very day he arrived poor Spring ^ had to
go into action with the Mutineers of the 14th N. I.,
and it is feared was mortally wounded. I hope it is
an exaggeration, though I fear it is not so.
"Now I must finish up with pleasant thoughts and
cheery words. — Dissatisfied and disappointed as I am
in many respects, still I am willingly here, as it is
God's will that I should be so, to bide His future,
and I have little anxiety about it.
No. 19. "15th July, 1857.
"The enemy was thoroughly defeated yesterday,
driven back from every point, and pursued just too
far, as our men got under fire from the walls of the
city, so close were they, and suffered severely for their
temerity. It is foolish doing this, as it produces no
sort of result except bad ones, and deprives us of
our best men. The casualties among officers were
severe yesterday, and the Engineers came in for a
considerable share of them. Walker of the Bombay
Engineers, Carnegie and Geneste were hit; the two
latter very slightly. I understand about 12 officers
in all were wounded, but how many men, I don't know
yet. However, I should say that now all chance of
an immediate assault was at an end, so that we shall
I Capt. Spring, H.M. 24th.
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100 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
probably wait here till we are sufficiently strengthened
for a regular siege. It will be more satisfactory in
some respects, but less so in others to finish the matter
in this way, and anyhow there seems little choice
open to us now.
" I was all round the position this morning, and lost
my horse in the process, from the stupidity of the
syce, who left me and fell behind, so I had to indent
on Captain Robertson for a dooly, and very pleasant
travelling it was, I was so achy in my legs after my
walk."
No. 20. ** 1 6th July, 1857.
"You want to know how my day passes. I get
up about 4, and immediately set off to go round
the batteries and defences, to see if I can do anything
for their security. I have generally a lot of demands
from the Artillery Officers and others, and when I
return arrangements are made for satisfying these.
I get home about 8, and work till breakfast-time, about
9 or 9-30. I breakfast on some fish, of which we
have a daily supply, tea and toast, and then back to
my writing-table again. The Daily Reports of the
Field Engineers are then gone over, abstracted for
the General's information and sent off; all routine
business is disposed of, and then I take up the mat-
ters connected with our future progress in our work,
all of which I am getting into form for future use.
These occupy me till tiie afternoon, when, unless people
call, I go out again round the works, and get back
in time to dress for dinner. I go to bed almost
immediately after dinner, and so the day ends. It
does not look tempting, does it? However, it has not
been of my seeking, and so I take it quietly. I only
hope it may please God to enable us to make a move
soon, and bring this weary contest to a close.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE loi
No. 21. " 17th July, 1857.
** Another change 1 The kaleidoscope scarcely gives
more, or more varied, only they are generally more
beautiful. General Reed has resigned the command
of the force, and leaves this evening for the Hills.
He takes with him a whole lot of the staff, some of
whom you saw at Roorkee.
" Our new Commander is Brigadier Wilson, with the
rank of Brigadier-General ; it is one comfort connected
with the change that we have at last a man, be he
good, bad or indifferent he will be a real and not a
sham commander. It has been such miserable work
since I joined from the want of a head for whom one
could feel the faintest sense of respect, that I welcome
one of strong, though from all accounts sometimes
perverse, will and resolution. At any rate, what is to
be done will be done decidedly, and a marked course
will be adopted. This is infinitely preferable to the
weak uncertain ways I have lately had to contemplate,
that I will cheerfully compound for occasional erratics.
He has just sent for me, telling me he wishes to have
a long quiet talk about our present position and
future prospects, and I am to go to him in the cool
of the evening, as he says his tent is always so full
he can have no quiet there. I hope I may get on
with him, as much of my own comfort in work depends
on it. We'll hope for the best.
"I went up to the batteries yesterday in your red
coat, and was instantly assailed by everybody as insane
for making myself so conspicuous, as the enemy would
be sure to pick me out, and perhaps pick me off". I
will be more careful next time."
No. 22. "Camp before Delhi, i8th July, 1857.
"The General and I had our long talk yester-
day, and on the whole found our views of things
reasonably in accordance. He was decidedly opposed
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to an assault as being a desperate measure, and I
concurred so far in opinion with him that, though I
did not think it a desperate measure when I joined,
or for some time afterwards, I admitted that our losses
in Brigadier Chamberlain's two actions had been so
grave that the last of them had turned the scale in
my opinion against an assault, by leaving us too few
troops to insure that moderate prospect of success I
had originally indulged in. So the fate of the assault
was finally settled. Then he asked me what further
plans I had to propose. I told him that my view of
matters was that we should maintain our present grip
on Delhi like grim Death, that nothing short of the
contingency of the last extremity of disaster should
induce us to relax it, and that we should maintain our
position here till we were strong enough in men and
material to assume the offensive in a decided way;
that we should send off to healthier climates, by suc-
cessive convoys, all our sick and wounded— now, alas!
exceeding 1,000 in number; that we should clear the
army as much as possible of "impedimenta" of all
kinds, and keep ourselves lightly equipped with as much
as possible of the bone and flesh of the Force ready
for work. To all this he seemed very heartily to
concur, and said that, looking to our actual circum-
stances, he could think of no more judicious course to
follow, and meant to follow it. He added that if he
had 2,000 men more he would be prepared for a
regular attack of batteries, and I told him I was ready
for this whenever he was. And so it was agreed that
I was to strengthen the position as much as my means
would permit, and he was to be very cautious in the
use of the troopS during the enemy's attacks.
'* We have now four wounded officers, all within the
last few days.
**The enemy is out again to-day, and our guns are
hard at work.
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No. 23. ''Delhi, 19th July, 1857.
"I was out till late this morning at the advanced
posts. We had another action with the enemy
yesterday. He began work very early, before the
men had had their breakfasts, and kept firing away
all day. Our casualties, however, were very few, and
he was as usual beaten back at every point. Those
who are learned in such matters, declare they never
saw him fight worse or with less spirit than yesterday.
It is scarcely possible it can be otherwise, as being
beaten continually can't improve any one's taste for
fighting, and that has hitherto been the history of the
Mutineers."
No. 24. "2ist July, 1857.
"I am very tired indeed this morning. The enemy
came out in considerable force yesterday afternoon,
and I went up to the batteries, where I remained
for about three hours. The fire was rather smart
during the time, but no casualties occurred. It was
late before I got home, and this morning I went out
again all over the position to see that things were in
order, coming back late, and rather knocked up.
"I am glad to say that, though there was a great
deal of apparent fighting yesterday, we lost no one.
How far it may be true, I can't say, but report has
it that the enemy has lost 600 or 700, and is
thoroughly discouraged in his attacks on the batteries,
which he now considers quite impregnable, and does
not mean to attack any more. We'll see 1 "
No. 25. *' 22nd July, 1857.
"We had a quiet day yesterday, and bid fair
to have another to-day. In the middle of the night
the enemy evidently got up a great alarm about
nothing, and kept for some time firing vigorously
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I04 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
with great guns and muskets too. He seemed to fancy
we were going to assault, but he was mistaken, for
we were quietly in bed. I fancied he had at last
carried out his long threatened intention of making
a night attack on our camp, but as everything seemed
quite quiet, I went off to sleep again. We have fair
grounds for concluding that the Mutineers are beginning
to see unpleasant signs ahead of them, and to be
really discouraged. They know that reinforcements
are coming from below and above, from the PunjauB
and Calcutta. They can make no impression on us
here, and we brush them off Uke foul blue-bottle flies,
and will before long crush them, as I believe the
moment our Punjaub reinforcements come we will go
at them in form. I will be very glad of it, as our present
position is, though prudent, certainly not pleasant."
No. 26. "Camp Delhi, 24th July, 1857.
*'It is very difficult to say when we shall be
able to do anything really efficient to bring this
long business to a close. All depends on the period
of arrival of reinforcements in men, and especially
in siege guns and ammunition At present we get
everything in driblets, which seem to do little more
than supply our daily waste. The enemy came out
again yesterday, and though as usual completely beaten
back, still inflicted some loss on us, especially in officers,
of whom we had one killed and three or four severely
wounded. He seems now disposed to work round to
our right, and come into the open ground there. It is
rather too good to hope for, but if he does we will
attack him at once, and I have no doubt will give a
good account of both him and his guns. At the same
time it is a provoking way of working, and will not
help us much to our ultimate objects.
**I had an opportunity to-day of saying my say to
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 105
the General about the doings or not-doings of Major
Bagot at Saharunpore, and I believe positive orders
have been sent to him to have less respect for the
Goojars, and more faith in his Goorkhas.
" I am sorry to say poor young Jones ^ died last
night. — I greatly fear Mr. Dickins ^ too is in a bad
way. — It is very saddening to see so many fine young
fellows dropping round you.**
No. 27. 25th July, 1857.
"I daresay in time you will be as learned as
possible in the maxims of Marshal Vauban, who is
the great siege authority of all time, and has well-
nigh exhausted the subject in his own lifetime, leaving
other folks very little to do. But we can't respect
his instructions very rigidly, seeing that most of the
means and appliances he proposes, are not to be had
at Delhi. We must, however, do our best with such
means as we actually have.
" At this time, our chief function seems to be to draw
all the Mutineers upon us, and keep them off other
people, which we do certainly satisfactorily enough, but
I wish our role were somewhat changed. I mustn't
grumble, however, as it is all the working out of a
great plan which will be successful in God's good time.
I can't say that my own impressions of General Wilson
agree as yet with Drummond's. It is the rule to be
captious, and criticism is easy, and to self-love pleasant,
I find the General rational enough in all I have to
do with him, and as yet, at any rate, am in no mood
for complaint."
No. 28. ** Delhi, 27th July, 1857.
"We have had very heavy rain all yesterday
and last night. The same cause has damped the
I Lt Edward Jones, B. Engrs.
Z Lt. Thps. E. Dickins. B.A., P. W. Dept.
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io6 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
enemy as well as the country generally since; for two
days past he has been very quiet indeed, and has
scarcely fired a shot. I went out prowling for inform-
ation last evening beyond the advanced posts, and
came on an enemy's sentry. He was very civil in
his bearing — didn't attempt shooting, but just crossed
the road when I did, and after we had looked at
each other for a little while, and I found I couldn't
possibly get to the place I wanted to go to, I turned
back and walked quietly away. I had a great deal
of walking about, and was very tired with it all, but
no harm was done.
" I also wrote to-day to Lord Dalhousie, giving him
a fuU account of the state of things here at present,
and our prospects hereafter. It will be well that he
should know the real state of the case, and be able
to explain it to others if need be.
** The health of people in general has mended since
I set vigorously about sanitary arrangements near
camp, and we have had no new officers sick lately,
while four have returned to duty."
No. 29. (No date) ?28th July.
"There is evidently a very heavy storm brewing,
and I wish it would break, as it is intolerably
close and sultry. — We were alarmed yesterday by
hearing that the General was very ill; so ill that
the doctors had forbidden his doing any work at all,
and we began to fear we were going to have another
change of chiefs. But this morning he is much better
again, and I hope the attack, said to be fever and
dysentery, has been only a passing one.
"The enemy continues singularly quiet. It is either
the precursor of some grand attack, or he is becoming
convinced that he gains very little by attacking us at
all, and means to leave us alone till we attack him. I
fancy the point will be settled in a day or two, as.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 107
if in that time he does nothing, I will begin to think
that the latter cause is the correct one. However, it
won't do to come to premature conclusions on such
a point."
. No. 30. '* Delhi, 29th July, 1857.
" There is nothing very special to tell you of to-day.
The enemy is so quiet that the European soldiers
insist he has evacuated Delhi. However, I suspect
the wish is father to the thought, and I saw this morn-
ing from the batteries quite sufficient numbers to
prove that a good many remained still. It is certain
though that he attacks neither with the persistence,
nor the vigour he formerly showed. So far as it goes
this is all right, and it is now simply a question of
time when we shall put an end to this sort of thing,
and bring matters to a crisis. It won't be my fault
if this is delayed a day longer than we can help. It
will be a great mercy when it is all over, as I have
never had to do with a campaign in which the moral
support was less. There would be disaster and dis-
grace in defeat, but there is scant honour in victory,
and one has the feeling that the whole we do only
tends to repair of a gigantic blunder of our own
growing for years and years, and of which we have
been disgracefully ignorant till its effects burst on us
as they have done. In no case can one's self-love
take much comfort to itself, contemplate the case how
we may. The errors must be corrected, but you can't
sponge out history, and this business will stand for
ever against us as an astounding instance of a ruling
Government and Community having been taken utterly
by surprise."
No. 31. "Camp Delhi, July 31st, 1857.
"The enemy has come out to-day in force, after
threatening to do so for a long time past, and not
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io8 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
doing it. We scarcely yet know what he really
means to do, as his plans whatever they are, are still
misty. But come where, when or how he may, he
will meet a warm reception, and probably return all
the worse for it.*'
No. 32. '*Camp Delhi, ist August, 1857.
** Yesterday was a very unsettled and uncomfort-
able sort of day. The enemy moved out in the morn-
ing in rather unusual force to get into our rear, and
intercept a large convoy that was to come in this
morning. He made a somewhat vigorous attack in
front ; at the same time there was a great lot of can-
nonading without much harm being done to anybody.
The poor General, who is not quite well yet, sent for
me in a great hurry, and I had a long talk with him.
I recommended measures somewhat more vigorous than
he was prepared for, and it ended in a sort of * mezzo-
termine.* Luckily, a tremendous thunder-storm broke,
the enemy walked back into the city, and our diffi-
culties disappeared bodily.*'
No. 33. "Delhi, 3rd August, 1857.
"The day before yesterday the enemy kept us on
the alert the whole day. He moved out a strong
force of artillery, cavalry and infantry on our right
flank, with the avowed intention of turning it, and
getting on our line of communication with Kurnal
and Umballa. He made a bridge across the Nujuffghur
Jheel escape, but just as he got his guns and cavalry
across, a tremendous rain-storm came on, the escape
rose, carried off the bridge, and left the guns in a
very awkward position. This seems to have frightened
him a little, and he withdrew from his advanced posi-
tion, and went back to the city. There had been a
good deal of firing in front all day, which increased
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 109
towards the night, and all through the night the attack
was maintained, guns and musketry firing with great
vigour. He took very little by the effort; beaten
back of course he was, arid after an enormous expen-
diture of ammunition. Our casualties were very few
indeed, including only one officer, who was killed while
walking along behind a breastwork. The enemy
continued firing till about 10 or 11, and then it died
away. At present everything is perfectly still."
No. 34. "Camp Delhi, 4th August, 1857.
**The enemy was perfectly quiet all yesterday.
Native report has it that he lost 3,000 men in the
night attack, but that is absurd. I fancy the real
loss a few hundreds. We have intelligence of four
victories won by General Havelock, who is said to
have captured every gun the Mutineers had. The
broken fragments are said to be pouring into Delhi,
where the sight of them cannot be particularly encour-
aging to the garrison. I think myself that a very
few months will settle this storm, and that it is now
rapidly advancing towards this end."
No. 35. "Delhi, sth August, 1857.
"I am afraid I must miss the post to-day, as I
have had a long letter to write to the General,
one of those unpleasant letters that one must write
when you think a man is going wrong, and it is your
special business to tell him so. He is very amiable,
however, and will not think the worse of me because
I tell him honestly and openly what I think of any
circumstances that present themselves. If he does I
can't help it, I must do what seems to me right, and
leave the issues to work themselves out in due course.
**We have been perfectly quiet all yesterday and
to-day. The enemy is said to be greatly disheartened
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no RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
by the results of the actions of the 2nd and 3rd, and
numbers are now reported to be leaving the city.
The Neemuch and Nuseerabad Brigade has lost 900
since the action, of which the majority are said to be
deserters. The rumours of reinforcements coming
to us also produce their effect, and there can be no
doubt that the spirit of the Mutiny is dying out.
There is one thing pleasant to myself in this. Our
own force feels, and the enemy admits that the
position we occupy has been made quite impregnable.
I am constantly told * Ah, you have made this a very
different place to what it was a month ago; we lose
no men now comparatively to what we did then.* As
this was my first object when it was settled we were
to hold our own here, it is satisfactory to find by
general consent that it has been accomplished. We
are making efforts to-day to destroy the enemy's
bridge, as yet without success. One of the infernal
machines, popularly called ' devils,' stuck on a sandbank,
and exploded, apropos to nothing in particular, with
a diabolical row. There are five more to go off, so
it is to be hoped- one will reach its destination. These
all act by explosion. We send off a huge raft this
evening which is to act by pressure and obstructing
the water-way. I wanted these operations to be
connected with some others against the enemy him-
self, but the General doesn't like anything at all risky,
and so when we've demolished the bridge we've got
only to stand and admire our success, but get nothing
from it."
No. 36. "Delhi, 6th August, 1857.
"Here is this dear old General a-fidgeting again
about his rear. I try to comfort him three times
a day with the assurance that though we must
watch it well, there is no real cause for anxiety about
it. It is his mania, however, and it costs me an awful
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE in
amount of note-writing when the enemy moves in
that direction as he is doing to-day. Nothing would
please me more than that he should come out, and we
get at him in the open plain. True the country is in a
most impracticable state, but if he can move, so can we,
though the General thinks not, and rates his mobility
higher than our own, which is absurd, as Euclid says."
No. 37. "7- 8. '57.
'*I had a small quarrel with General Wilson
last night, but as I wouldn't have any half-and-half
arrangements of the matter we came to a clear under-
standing; and seeing then that he was quite in the
wrong, he explained how he was worried to death
by many contretemps, and would be very grieved
indeed if he hurt my feelings. Of course I begged
he would forget the momentary impatience I had
shewn, and I took some shame to myself that I had
thought so little of his causes of derangement, and so
much of a small annoyance of my own. It all arose
out of a blockhead of a man, Mr. , having under-
taken to do some road work, and afterwards repu-
diated it without telling me anything about it. The
General thought it my business, and in a note made
use of the expression — *the work you tried to throw
on — *. I could not stand that, so I sent him — 's own
letter to me, saying he would be most happy to
undertake it, and I told him when he knew me better
he would learn that to throw my work on anybody
else was the last act I could have imputed to me
with justice, and he must now judge for himself as
to whether in the present case it was truly imputed
or not. If he had continued the injustice, I would
.have placed my resignation in his hands, but I
was quite disarmed by his frank admission, which he
followed up by a declaration that I had his entire
confidence, and so we * kissed and made friends'
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112 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
again. I don't at all like this sort of thing, but it
does good to take your position on the very first
occasion, and it saves trouble afterwards."
No. 38. "Camp Delhi, 8th August, 1857.
"I was out rather late in the batteries last night,
and the fire was very smart, in sound at any
rate ; round shot, shell, rockets and musket balls buzz-
ing about, but doing marvellously little harm. There
was not a single man hurt during the time I was
there, about an hour and a half. It was very pretty
to see the rockets with long tails of fire streaming
across the dark sky. At first I thought they were shoot-
ing stars, as I did not know the enemy had rockets,
"However, as one charged with musket balls broke
over my head, I ceased to believe in their starry
nature. They (I mean the Mutineers, not the rockets
as grammar would indicate) have now maintained an
almost continuous fight since the first, and the spies
say it is to be their critical effort. If after the seventh
day they fail to take our position and dislodge us,
they are going to give in, and desist from their
efforts, what to do afterwards is not said. To their
minds I suspect there is an awful significance in our
quiet self-possessed waiting, and I daresay many of
them will disappear before the final struggle comes."
No. 39. "Camp Delhi, 9th August, 1857.
"I have been out at the batteries since before
12 o'clock, and it is now 4, so all chance of catching
to-day's dak is out of the question. Nicholson, who
has just come down from the Punjab, wanted to
see the position, and the General himself had got
into one of his nervous fits, and wouldn't be satisfied
with any assurance but my own that matters were
all right. The enemy has put a new heavy-gun
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 113
battery just at the extreme right of the position, and
the officer in command thinks that he and his men
forthwith are to be sent into the middle of next week.
However, I satisfied his mind that no such catastrophe
was impending, and with a little help from our own
artillery we could put the obnoxious battery's pipe
out, which was done accordingly by a couple of hours'
good fire."
No. 40. "Camp Delhi, loth August, 1857.
*'The enemy keeps up at present a general fidget
all over the position, and pots away' at every point.
I rode to Metcalfe House this morning, our most
advanced position on the left, through a small hail-
storm of shot, shells and musket balls. However,
they all went over my head, making their various
noises which you can tell with perfect ease, after a
little practice, from one another. An Irish rifleman
rode up to me in a very excited state, and said, 'Och,
sir, and take care of yerself, don't be going on there.'
'Why'? I asked. — *Why, because a big shell has
just busted,' — * But,' I suggested, * if it has burst it isn't
dangerous any longer.' * Oh, but, sir, there'll be a lot
more like it in a minit.'
"However, I went on, as the road was really the
best I could take, and though various shells 'busted'
none of them came near me. This sort of thing goes
on just now all over the position, but our casualties
are wondrous few, and the enemy seems to have
rather tired of the thing already, as since the morning
he has been very quiet."
No. 41. "Camp Delhi, nth August, 1857.
"We have been tolerably quiet all night. There
was a good deal of firing at the Metcalfe picquet,
and five of our unlucky Beldars were sufferers —
8
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114 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
one killed, three severely and one slightly wounded.
I have been protesting against employing these men
in such dangerous work, and as if to give emphasis
to my protest, about lOO of them ran away in pure
fright of the shot and shells. I daresay more will
follow unless some change takes place.
** Yes, the change of tone and the substitution of a
feeling of implicit confidence in our position for
one of hopelessness and despondency, are the results
of my work, and I am very glad of the change; for
in war the moral powers are perhaps even more
than physical ones, and the best way to ensure a
position being impregnable is to create among its
defenders the conviction that it is so. This has now
been fairly done here, and as the Mutineers recoil
from it, broken down more and more after each
attempted assault, the conviction is intensified, and
our strength added to by every effort to shake it.
This is only Scene i. I hope Scene 2 will show
the enemy a new phase of our capacity.''
No. 42. "Camp before Delhi, 12 Aug., 1857.
"There has been a pretty little action this morning,
which has resulted in our having captured four of
the enemy's guns. Yesterday afternoon the General
sent for me to have a talk about the present activity
of the enemy on our left, and the necessity for
checking it. Curiously enough, I said to Chesney
before leaving my tent, *I wonder if the General
has been thinking out the same train of thought that
I have, and has come to the same conclusion. I am
clearly of opinion that the time has arrived for our
active attack.' On going down I found it was just
so; the General had decided that we must read the
Mutineers a lesson, as they were becoming too aggres-
sive, and the details were all arranged. About 1,100
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 115
infantry were told off for the work, six guns, and some
cavalry to protect them, to parade at 3-30 this
morning, to march down to Ludlow Castle, a large
house occupied by the enemy, drive them in, and
sweep round by the river side and the Metcalfe
Park grounds, capturing any guns met with. I was
out about 3 a.m. when only a small part of the
Column had assembled. It, however, swelled gradually :
one of the first officers I met was Captain Robertson,
with 100 men of his regiment, and by about a quar-
ter to 4 all the troops had assembled. It was a
beautifully moon-lit and star-lit night, perfectly still and
quiet, except for the hum of a crowd, that rose and
fell on the fresh breeze, said breeze being delightful
on the Ridge. At about a quarter past 4 the Column
moved on, and continued to march undisturbed by a
single shot, till in the immediate vicinity of Ludlow
Castle. Then all at once there rose a loud burst of
musketry, which continued steadily increasing in intens-
ity for some time, then decreased, and in less than an
hour had almost died away. The enemy had been
completely surprised, and no thought seemed to have
been further from his mind at the moment, than that
our troops were about to attack. We captured four
guns — 2 6 Pounders, i 9-Pounder, and i 12-Pounder
Howitzers, terms that won't convey much meaning to
you, but shew that the enemy had field guns out,
and we got them all. It is a doubtful question yet,
whether he had 2 heavy guns out also, but if he had
he never fired them both, and I have heard no one
witness positively that he fired even one of them
more than once. So the matter is doubtful at present ;
but there is no doubt that 4 guns are in camp, and
they are n good result of about two hours' work, the
best we have had for a long time, and the effect
of the operation will no doubt be excellent. Our own
loss I do not know yet."
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ii6 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
No. 43. "Camp Delhi, 13 Aug., 1857
"You are not to be in any alarm when I tell
you I was wounded last evening. It is nothing more
than rather a smart bruise from the splinter of a shell,
which burst right in front of me at one of our bat-
teries, and making a great crash, sent bits of itself
and fragments of stones flying in all directions. What
hit me was either a rounded bit of shell, or a stone,
I am not sure which, as it was over in a second, and
I just felt a hard flop on my instep and ancle-joint,
and there was an end of it. The pain was consider-
able at first, but it was that ridiculous sort of pain
like having your funny-bone hit, and you don't quite
know whether to laugh or to cry. I preferred laugh-
ing as it happened ; and as I found I could move my
foot quite ' freely, I felt pretty sure no bones were
broken. I am very thankful it was so mild, as it
might easily have been much worse. It was fomented
witti hot water for several hours last night, and the
Doctor says if TU lie quiet for a day or two, it will
be all right again. Poor young Nuthall who hadn't
been an hour or more in camp, got a thump, though
a slighter one, on his hand from the same shell. I was
taking him round the position, and this was his wel-
come. You must feel quite at ease about me, and I
will be walking about again the day after to-morrow, I
hope I want this to go off* to-day without fail : I
must stop."
No. 44. "Delhi, 14 Aug., 1857.
"I am glad to say my foot bids fair to be all
right again to-day; anyhow, I've got off" my bed,
and am sitting up to my work, which is a mercy, as
I can't say I enjoyed writing on the broad of my
back. I am still obliged to dispense with a stocking,
as on trying to pull one on this morning I found the
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 117
pain rather too much. But I have no sort of doubt
but that in a day or two all signs of the thump will
have disappeared. I am beginning to suspect that
Wilson has a good deal of the ancient dame in him.
He so prefers small designs, and incomplete concep-
tions, to doing anything thorough^ that I fancy his
mind is of limited range. Still, so far, I like him, and
find him pleasant to deal with. I only wish we could
*egg' him on to do something final and decisive, but
at present that looks rather hopeless. It seems as though
the rains were breaking up. Although it is very early
for this, still I am in some respects glad of it, as it
will, I think, be better for you and the little one than
the steamy weather of the rains. I should think that
so soon as the European troops from below begin to
show themselves in earnest, you might all resume your
ordinary habits of life, and go back to your own houses.
I suspect that the sight of them will pacify the country
sooner than anything else."
No. 45. ** Delhi, Aug. isth, 1857.
**My foot is just the faintest trace in the world
less comfortable than it was yesterday, perhaps I
have been trying it rather too soon or too much, but
I will keep very quiet to-day, and I have no doubt
it will come all right again. These bruises are some-
times tedious and troublesome, and they seem so slight,
one is tempted to neglect them. . . We go on quietly
here, on the whole. There are lots of firing, but no
casualties, and people are all very jolly under their
difficulties, such as they are. I wish, however, I could
see some definite prospect of our beginning the real
work for which I am here, as once it is begun it won't
take us long. The engineer park is gradually getting
into a high state of efficiency, and when the struggle
comes, I don't think anybody will have complaints to
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ii8 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
make of us. We still want some detailed knowledge
of the ground close to the city, but under present cir-
cumstances that is rather difficult to get.*'
No. 46. "Delhi, Aug. i6th, 1857.
"My foot seems to have benefited so much by
my being quiet all yesterday, that it gives scarcely
any pain. The Doctor, however, is decisive still in
telling me to use it as little as possible, as one of
the tendons has been bruised, and they take time to
recover themselves again.
" I am very willing to obey orders so long as I am
not condemned to absolute lie-on- my-back-ism, which
is awfully wearisome to me just now.
" In general health I have mended wondrously. The
weather is no doubt very hot, but not unhealthy as
yet for anybody. Perhaps the (excitement of the work
may carry us through everything, as it has done hither-
to; it being remarkable how small is the amount of
sickness generally in the camp. Brownlow is our
most steady invalid, and a cruel loss to me he is;
but he is not very long in rallying, and then he is
worth anything.
" Indeed all our park arrangements are getting into
the highest state of efficiency, and I don't think that
when business begins the engineers will have any
faults found with them.*'
No. 47. Aug. 17 (?), not dated.
"I shan't be able to write much to-day, as I
have a good deal of work on hand. However, I
have nothing but pleasant tidings of myself to give
you, as the foot goes on steadily improving, and in
fact getting quite well again, and in other respects I
feel very well.
" The enemy was very quiet, one cause may be that
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 119
it rains heavily, and that usually has a damping effect
upon him. Anyhow, he scarcely fires a shot."
No. 48. ''Delhi, Aug. i8th, 1857.
** There are such breaks taking place now in the
weather as to shew that the rains are beginning to
move off. It is a questionable future, but we will
hope for the best out of it, and meanwhile be thankful
that we are all so well. They have finally decided
that it would cause too much discontent among the
*old fogies* to give me the grade of Brigadier. I
can't say I care a pin about the matter, being per-
fectly content that matters should remain as they are.
I am very junior no doubt, ^ but Lord Dalhousie
wouldn't have been hampered by that, or anybody
else who was above the trammels of precedent. We
are, however, very jog-trotty here, and it is useless
endeavouring to get out of it, so I do not mean to
try. I only wish with all my heart the work was done,
and if it so please God, that I were back again at
Roorkee. — The war is a war of so utterly barbarous a
caste that nobody who thinks, or feels at all, can fail
to wish himself out of it. However, the work being
duty, must be done, so we won't grumble about it.
My feeling is, that I have spent nearly twenty years
of tolerable peace and quietness in India, and if in
the course of Providence a time of troubles and
dispeace does come, it is to be accepted without
murmuring."
No. 49. "Camp Delhi, 19 Aug., 1857.
" We have got a return of the damp sultry weather,
and with it, I have a very slight return of the old
enemy. I fancy this will go on for some time to
I He was at this time Lt-Colonel of nearly 21 years' service, and
nearly 39 years of age; 3 years senior to Nicholson and 4 years older.
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I20 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
come, till we have tided over the next month, or
six weeks, and then we will get all right again. We
are perfectly quiet here just now; whether the enemy
is contemplating- some other grand coup, or has sim-
ply subsided in hopelessness, I cannot tell, but at
present he gives no trouble, and we wait for the
siege train peacefully. My foot continues to mend,
not quite free from pain yet, especially if I try to
walk over stones, which make the joint twist, but
otherwise giving very little trouble. So there I hope
is an end of the history of my first wound, and
thank God, it was no worse ; half an inch more would
have cost me in all human probability my left leg,
ant I can't say I have any indifference about being
so disabled.''
No. so. **20th Aug., 1857.
**I have been so incessantly occupied to-day, that
I have missed the dak hour, and you will not
have your letter. However, I have nothing but good
news to send you, as I have got rid of my small
attack of the old enemy. — I think a beginning to the
end is really beginning to be visible at last, though
I fear if Wilson has his own way, it will still be
wait, wait, wait. I went to him to-day to reason him
out of some absurdity or other, and found him writing
a letter to me, illimitable pages long, which I read
over so far as it had gone, and found that the Gov.-
Gen. had been making a moan about Delhi, and that
this was an elaborate explanation of the proceedings
in the matter, addressed to me. As it had no end,
the drift was not quite clear, so I said nothing; I
suppose it will be all evident when the whole letter
comes, but if he expects me to advocate delay, he is
mistaken. I believe we are competent to take Delhi
when the siege train arrives, and beyond that I do
not mean to wait.*'
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 121
No. 51. ** Delhi, Aug. 21, 1857.
"I have been so occupied this whole day that not
till now, when it is time to go to tea, have I
found five minutes to bid you well before I go to sleep.
This morning my foot gave a good deal of pain,
and the place looked angry-like and inflamed. I
kept my stocking off all day, however, and had cold
water flannels applied, so I hope anything like suppu-
ration may be prevented. The doctors all say, however,
that the place is a bad one to get a contusion on, it
is so near the ancle-joint; and they tell me not to
be impatient, . as it may still be some time before all
signs of the evil disappear. There is nothing at all
serious in it, it is merely troublesome, and makes me
rather inefficient, so far as personal activity goes. In
other respects I am very well.
** Just as I was in the act of eating my small modicum
of dinner yesterday, about 5, *the General Sahib'
was announced, and in he stalked, finding me with
no stocking on one foot, and no shoe on the other.
However, I took it very easily, and we sat down on
my bed, and had a good hour's talk by the * Shrews-
bury Clock.' I had sat up till one o'clock the
previous night to finish my draft of the proposed
letter to Lord Canning, and got up at daylight to
complete mine to the General himself. He came up
primed and loaded with a small speech, which he
fired off in his gaunt way, with apparent sincerity. He
said he considered my exposition of the past and
present condition of the force as a most able one,
and had come up of set purpose to thank me for it;
that he meant to send it on just as it was, with a
few little additions that he wanted to consult me about.
We disposed of them very soon, and then I shewed
him my project of attack. He was apparently rather
shocked with what he considered its boldness, and
had a dozen fears to express. The only serious one
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122 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
being the fear that in such weather as this, and still
more in September, the soldiers would not be able
to work, but would be struck down by the sun, if in
the open trenches all day. It has often been a grave
and serious thought of my own — this, so we were at
one upon it; but I could not bring myself to say I
thought it an insuperable difficulty. Our sickness is no
doubt increasing greatly; the last return I saw was
765, now the number exceeds 1,200. After a long
palaver, we parted excellent friends, and I can see
&iat his trust in me is growing steadily.'*
No. 52. — Letter of August 22, all private and
family affairs.
No. 53. "Delhi, 23 Aug., 1857.
**It is evident that after all my foot is going
to suppurate, and the Doctor says that till it throws
off a little matter it won't come right. He looks upon
it, however, as likely to be a very mild affair; and
I'll be very glad when it does come right, as at
present it is a nuisance, and keeps me from moving
about as I could wish. However, what is must be
borne, and I am thankful that otherwise I continue
to have very little to complain of. We have had two
of the most sultry and oppressive days I have ever
felt. It was scarcely possible to think under their
numbing influence, but it was necessary to try, what-
ever might be the result. I am expecting another
visit from the General to-day, as he has just written
up to say he wants to come and have a talk with
me. He is full of troubles, and some of them no
doubt serious enough, but I hope we'll get over them
all in time, and meanwhile I do the best I can as
an adviser and comforter. I will be very thankful
when it is all over, or when we fairly get to work,
and action, not discussion, becomes the order of the
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 123
day. I wish I could have devoted a bumper of port
to drinking many happy returns of his birthday to
your father. ^ But as I was unconscious of the day
or date the will must be accepted for the deed.
Please God, we'll drink his health together next time.
I saw the notice of his Chinese pamphlet, and was
glad to find no abatement of vigour was visible. It
is a wonderful intellect I —The General has just been
and gone, and the result has been most satisfactory.
Our whole plan of work is settled, and just as I wished
in every particular. If we don*t produce a result, we
mean to try, and I do hope and trust it may please
God to make the issue good. If it is, and all goes
well, it is just possible that our detention here may
not be very much prolonged.*'
No. 54. 24 Aug., 1857.
"All goes very well to-day, and I think my
foot continues to mend, though I am still obliged to
poultice it and wear no stocking. I am particularly
anxious for it to get well soon, as I shall want the
full use of my senses and my legs together for a
while. — I am sorry to say Baillie * has been wounded,
not seriously, however, and I hope he will soon get
over it. Pretty nearly our whole Roorkee party have
had touches of some sort. Earle is, I understand,
very unwell.'*
No. 55. "Delhi, 25 Aug., 1857.
**The enemy has gone out to our rear in considerable
force, and a moveable column under Nicholson has
gone out after them. They have the advantage in
number of guns, we in the material of our troops, so
1 The great writer De Quincey.
2 Lieut. G. Baillie, B. Art.
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124 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
if the two columns meet, I have little doubt hat our
people will give a good account of the enemy in
spite of his guns.
" Nicholson had in truth to deal with a very different
set of people to those we have here, and if rank
would strengthen a man's hand, all the fogies in the
army would not prevent Sir John Lawrence from
giving it. I cannot say, however, that the matter has
dwelt in my mind at all, and I am personally quite
content that things should remain as they are."
No. 56. ** Delhi, Aug. 26, 1857.
"I had to inflict on you to-day the usual fate of
Chief Engineers' wives, and to let my letter give
place for the time being to projects of attack, and
such like matter. Don't speak about the case, even
to Mrs. Chesney, for though Chesney may tell her
what he knows, he doesn't know everything, and
what comes from me direct might have a re-actionary
influence, and find its way back to Delhi, which would
not be desirable or expedient. At this moment I
believe the camp generally, to be profoundly ignorant
that in 8 or 10 days we will attack Delhi in very
serious earnest. There is a general impression that
* something' is impending, but what it is, is not
known. People look at me, and say in a pumping
way — * Well I what are we going to do next?' I
don't recognise the interrogative, and say merely
* Well 1 What ? ' I have not the very faintest desire
to affect a needless secrecy, but the former practice
of making every plan, however delicate, the subject
of camp discussion doesn't at all suit my views of
things. I fancy that two days after the siege train
arrives we shall begin our work, and it will, please
God, last only for about 3 days in all from commence-
ment to close. May it be prosperous. The moveable
column under Nicholson went out last night, and met
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 125
the enemy in force, beat him, as usual, utterly, and
captured 13 guns with all his camp and baggage. I
shall not be surprised if this affair, with 3ie last,
^nd the impending attack on the town have rather
serious results on the enemy. He talks of running
away now, and may possibly do so; but it will be a
great pity if he does, though I don't know that the
moral effect will be inferior to that of an assault; in
one case he sneaks away like a lashed cur, in the
other he throws a sort of halo over his cause, by
standing an assault and dying at least like a soldier.
Come, however, what may, it is some comfort to think
that the end is visible, and that this siege is not going
to be like the Siege of Troy."
No. 57. "Delhi, Aug. 27, 1857.
"There is nothing new here, except that I think
the old General is taken aback by my proposals,
and will take some time tb accustom himself to them.
I daresay in the long run he will come right again.
He shows amazing ignorance of the first and simplest
principles of fortification; in the long run things
usually come out as I wish them to come. Matters
are perfectly quiet here today, and *Pandy', as the
world calls the Mutineers, is apparently chewing the
cud after his beating of yesterday. I find it very
east-windy."
No. 58. "Delhi, Aug. 28, 1857.
"I never had the faintest thought of resigning
under anything but personal insult, or such incom-
patibility with the General as would have made me
feel our association obstructive to the public service,
but there has been nothing of either sort. We differ,
and I sometimes lose my patience with him, but we
are very good friends, and I usually bring him round
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126 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
to my way of thinking in the long run. It would
break my heart, I believe, to leave this work under
any cause in which the act of God was not clearly
visible ; utter failure of health, wounds or the like, are
of course irresistible, but with God's blessing, I trust
that all will go well to the end. If the General pot-
ters, my alternative is to put on record that he pot-
tered clean against my will, *and Government must
judge between us. It won't come to this, I hope, as
I think the old man rather likes me, and is a little
afraid of me in a quiet way. Anyhow, I would be a
very unreasonable monster to make any other than
mere growls at him, as I have much to be grateful
to him for. I am a little out of sorts to-day ... I
don't expect to get well entirely till this work and
weather are both over; after that I expect to rally
sharp."
No. 59. Delhi, 29 Aug., 1857.
Is entirely taken up with private and family
affairs.
No. 60. "Delhi, 30 Aug., 1857.
"We are quite quiet here, and working on our
own preparations, all of which, so far as the Dept
is concerned, are in a forward and complete state. So
little is that the case with some other Depts. that we
are doing their work for them as the only chance
of getting the coach to run, but of this I say nothing,
as I find that people are willing enough to profit by
your aid, but are not unnaturally riled by being
reminded of their inefficiency. One of our officers,
poor Warrand, ^ lost his arm yesterday afternoon in
one of the batteries ; it was from what is called a shrap-
nel shell, and it burst just in the battery, wounding
I Lt W. E. Warrand, B. Engr., now M.-Geaeral.
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 127
him and two or three others. He is doing very
well, and is established in my tent, where he will
be more comfortable than in his own. He is a cap-
ital officer, however, and is a great loss to me just now."
No. 61. ''Delhi, 31 Aug., 1857.
" I can only keep up the formula to-day of saying
a word to you, as I have been so very busy that the
night has come on, and finds me still with work to do."
No. 62. "Delhi, 2nd Sept., 1857.
"We continue to be very busy, and will g^row
gradually more so till we lapse into comparative quiet.
Oh, how thankful I will be when all is well over. I
think when it is, they will let me go home in peace and
quiet, unless there is probability of more service in
our own line required of me, when I will gladly resume
the old duties."
No. 63. "Delhi, 3rd Sept., 1857.
"I was a little afraid the General was going
off the rails about our work, as he took violent ob-
jections at first to some of my plans as involving
fearful loss of Ufe, and all that sort of thing ; whereas
if he had apprehended them clearly, he would have
seen they were really the safest of the series. But I
just did as usual, placed my reasons as clearly as I
. could express them before him, and left them to work.
So he came up this afternoon to declare himself a
convert to my views, and to say that he accepted
them "une et indivisible," like the French Republic,
so now we are at least cordially agreed on all main
points, and that is a mercy in his position and mine.
I daresay I shall have some bother to keep him fast
to the plan, as it is his idiosyncracy to run away
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128 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
after any tempting-like thought, and to forget that to
be successful in such a work as ours, we must be
coherent, and stick to our plans like wax.''^
No. 64. '*Sept. 4th, 1857.
** All goes on quietly and steadily, and just at present
it seems to us all that the enemy has gone to sleep.
" 5th. I was just able to maintain my rule, and get
three words at least written to you yesterday, as the
whole day was absorbed by business, and a succession
of people came that occupied me one after the other
— the General, the Commissary of Ordnance, Nicholson,
etc., and by night I felt pretty well * dazed,' espe-
cially as I had to pitch into chalk and opium. — The
weather is positively execrable, and the sickness very
great; our sick-list is nearly 2,000, which in a little
force like this, is very sad. But probably active work
will have a great effect in mending matters. The
General is a terrible bore. He is so peevish and
positively so childish that I have sometimes great
difficulty in keeping my temper with him. He combines
a wondrous amount of ignorance and obstinacy, is so
discouraging, has such a total want of * vis ' and energy
that he is Uterally the greatest obstacle extant to the
vigorous capture of Delhi. He is now in a towering
rage with me, because I keep harping on the necessity
of arming all the batteries in one night, which he
says is impossible, utterly impossible. I say it isn't,
and so we're at loggerheads just at present, but I
conclude I will bring him right in time."
No. 6$. ''Delhi, Sept. 6, 1857.
**I was very angry again yesterday with the Gen-
eral, he is the most obstructive being ever created
for the worry of an unfortunate Chief Engineer's
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 129
mind. — I had been urging him to do some of what he
calls 'Baird Smith's impossibilities/ and he wrote me
one of his impertinent letters. I was half disposed to
run rusty, but then the thought of the great interests
at stake, and my knowledge of the fact that in reality
he leans almost exclusively on me, came to compose
me; so I didn't run rusty, but kept my temper, and
satisfied myself by proving to him that he was egre-
giously and absurdly wrong. He came up last night,
and we had a long talk about things in general, and
he agreed as usual, to all that I proposed. It will
be a strange story, the story of the capture of Delhi,
I mean its secret history, but it will never be told,
and all memory of the General's absolute obstructive-
ness will be buried under the glare of success. However,
if we only do succeed, it will matter but little."
No. 66. "7th Sept.
"We are fairly in it, and I have just returned
very tired from the front. All's well."
No. 67. No date — probably loth.
"If I have any serious grievance against the
General it is that he 'worritted' so all yesterday up
to very late at night, that he forced me to break
my rule of saying, if nothing else, " God bless you "
every day. He is quite off his balance, and now he
has *cut' me, and we don't communicate officially
at all except through the StafTll It is a great relief,
and the result is pretty much as poor Walker anti-
cipated, and I find myself somewhat in the position
of commanding the army in a quiet way. I command
the General anyhow, and as things stand he is con-
scious of it, and doesn't like it, and takes a congenial
revenge by abusing myself and brigade whenever
he can. The army, however, has made up its mind
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I30 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
in the case, and settled it on its right basis. Everything
goes well as yet; to-morrow morning at daylight, or
shortly after, all our batteries will open, and 60 pieces
of cannon will be pouring iron into Delhi. I think
the assault will be given on the 12th or, at the latest,
on the 13th, and the assured conviction is all will go
well. God grant it may. The very universality of the
conviction of success impending is one of the best
guarantees we could have for it.'*
No. 68. Not dated, nth?
"All goes well. We don't get on quite so fast as
I wished, but the artillery men are slow in getting
in guns and powder; and one of our batteries has
been silent for 24 hours longer than need have been,
simply because they had nothing to put into it. However,
28 — or rather 36 big guns have been roaring all day,
and even now the walls of Delhi begin to look like
those of Jericho, and are very shaky indeed. They
will be still more so to-morrow when No. 3 opens
under their noses, 160 yards from the walls. I hope
all will go well, and if so, Delhi will fall in two or
three days.**
No. 69. Not dated — probably 12th or 13th,
"All goes well, except that I am satisfied Wilson
has gone off his head. It is of course the respon-
sibility, and he is at present the only obstacle to the
vigour of our work."
No. 70. "19/9/57-
"I have had to break my rule with a vengeance,
but I hope you have had Mr. Marten's daily chit
since the assault, keeping you informed of my well-
doing. All went well with us in the attack, except
that our loss was very heavy after we got into the
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 131
city. The enemy is still giving a lot of trouble there,
and we have not yet quite come to an end of our
work, though it won't be long, I hope, before we
do so. I came to the camp this morning to get
some medical advice, and the quiet up here is very
refreshing. Chesney and all the other wounded officers
are doing well, I am thankful to say.**
No. 71. ** 21/9/57.
**So it is all over so far as my work is concerned,
and the enemy was yesterday driven from every
stronghold he had in the city. All is now ours.
The General has just gone to take possession ot
the King's palace. I go in an hour or two to
establish Engineer Head Quarters in that of the Nawab
of Juggur, said to be one of the prettiest palaces in
Delhi, overhanging the river, cheerful and healthy.
The Mutiny in tfie Bengal Army is now virtually
matter for history, for its neck has been broken here,
and though it is with no pride, or self-glory, still I
am grateful for having had an important part to play
in quenching so frightful a conflagration. Nobody
will ever know exactly what that part has been, or
will only know a very small part of it, but that is
a petty matter, and I am quite content with things as
they are. I thank God with all my heart that he
has preserved me through all — if not intact — yet
under your nursing, very easily mended. I only need
a month's quiet to be quite as well, perhaps better
than usual, and this I hope soon to get. The General
consents to my leaving camp as soon as the Meerut
Road is open, and Mr. Marten has begun to pack up,
and look for carriages already. All going well we
march via Meerut, and according to what we hear of
the state of the country there, we either go up the
Canal Line, or by Muzuffiirnuggur.*'
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132 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
No. 72. ''22/9/S7'^ P) Postmark 23rd.
"We are, I trust, fairly homeward bound, and
will probably make our first march to-morrow morning.
We return by way of Kumal, as the Meerut Road
is not safe yet. It will take us 4 days to get to
Kurnal, and we may expect to be there on the 26th.
If I can get a dak laid from Kurnal to Saharun-
pore I will travel faster over that bit of the ground,
but the point is a somewhat doubtful one. Anyhow,
D. v., I hope to be at home by or before the ist
October, pretty nearly a 3 months* absence ; and though
I am sick enough of it, I wouldn't have missed the
work, harassing as it has been, and may yet be, for riches
untold. I can keep all this now till we meet, though
fighting battles over again has never been a very
favourite occupation of mine. I travel in a bullock
cart of Mr. Parker's, and hope to get over the ground
comfortably enough in spite of leg and arm. I wanted
Maclagan to be brought down here to take charge
of works in Delhi, while Taylor went on with the
advance' column. But the General preferred Taylor
here, so the arrangement didn't hold. I think it is
to be regretted it did not. Maclagan might have been
quietly useful here, while Taylor would have been
quite in his place in advance. Chesney and indeed
all the wounded are doing very well indeed. There
is even some hope for poor Salkeld, whose heart has
been gladdened and pain lightened by the knowledge
that he has been decorated with the Victoria Cross
for valour. I am writing on my back, as I give my
foot all the rest I can. But it is a weakening process.
I wish I had one of those easy chairs instead."
No. 73. '*Siwah Bungalow, near Paneeput, 2$lgl^j.
" Here we are within one march of Kumal, which
we hope to reach to-morrow morning. It just depends
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LETTERS TO HIS WIFE 133
on my being able to get a dak laid from thence
to Saharunpore when we shall arrive at Roorkee; if
we get one we might be at home some time during
the night of the 28th, if I don't, we shall be a day
later. We have had a very pleasant trip so far. I
travel in great comfort in Mr. Parker's bullock ghari,
but you must expect to see me rather gravely
dilapidated, and about as weak as a child. I fancy,
however, I have improved within the last day or two,
and the amount of sleeping I get through is wonderful.
I suppose Nature is making up for past robberies. I
think I told you that before I left Delhi, the King
and his three sons had become our prisoners, thus
winding up the siege with the best immediate result
that could be obtained from it, the ultimate results
are incalculable.'*
No. 74. "Kurnal, 26th Sept./s;.
"We arrived here this morning just to learn
that in consequence of some mismanaged mess at
Shannah Bhown the direct road from here to Sa-
harunpore became unsafe, and a party of horse had
been sent out to intercept the people who were report-
ed to be upon it. So as it seemed of no use running
the risk of being victimised by some fanatic Mussulman
for the sake of a day, we have determined to proceed
by dak, round by Madilpoor and Chilkana. The route
being rather unfrequented, our bearers could not be
laid till to-morrow afternoon, so we are fixed here till
then. We shall start about 4 p.m., but can scarcely
reach Saharunpore before noon of the 28th, as it
is a dak of fully 60 miles long. However, I hope to
be able to start the same evening from Saharunpore
for Roorkee, and to come in on you at or about
weird midnight. I fancy I am mending already in
several ways ; my foot is less painful, my arm I have
almost ceased to think about, but the fact still remains
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134 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
that this three months of bad water, bad food, bad
everything have told seriously, and the last thing the
doctor told me the night before I left was that my
constitution had imbibed what he called a scorbutic
taint, and that I must go under regular constitutional
treatment for it. I have been conscious of this for
some time past, my gums have broken out into
various small swellings and sores, they bleed whenever
touched however lightly; my joints feel all rickety;
and Hunter attributes my bad foot to something of
the same sort. At Sevastopol people suffered in
precisely the same way, and I don't think my case
is a bad one. Anyhow, the treatment is pleasant
enough to think of^'keep quiet and live as gener-
ously as you can, and you will soon get all right
with the help of but little medicine.* So as he parti-
cularly recommended soups like jellies, you'll have to
set the babachi ^ to work to devise a succession of them.
I think it very likely that Drummond and Jeffreys
will have to go at once to Delhi in consequence of
the paucity of Engineers there."
No. 75. *'Dak Bungalow, Kurnal, 27 Sept., '57.
"I have not a great deal to say and shall manage
to say it even under difficulties.— The delay in our
letters from Delhi is equally deplorable and inexplic-
able, and I will make a great howling about it so soon
as I get back, too late to be of any use to us, but it may
be to others. There was certainly nothing left to wish
for in the completeness of our victory; the short
delay in reaping its full harvest neither disappointed
nor surprised me. What did both, was the disgracefully
doleful tone of those Wilsonian telegraphic messages.
I never saw one of them ; I kept a lot of the same
sort of trash out of despatches and papers which I did
see, and was ashamed of in their original form; but
I The cook.
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EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO A FRIEND 135
the messages went ofif without my cognizance. They
simply proved that neither Wilson, nor his advisers,
at the moment, saw with the slightest clearness of
vision the trye and sterling strengUi of our position,
or the absolute certainty that in a few days more or
less, we must force the enemy from every position
he held. The tone of all the messages ought to have
been buoyant and cheerful; they might justifiably
have been so ; instead of that, they were the embodi-
ment of dreariness, and killed all hope out of people.
However, men must be true to their nature, and it is
Wilson's to see difficulties where they don't exist,
and to fail to discover facilities that are patent as
daylight."
EXTRACTS FROM COLONEL BAIRD SMITH'S LETTER TO
A FRIEND, CHARLES NORTON, ESQ., PROFESSOR
HARVARD, DATED I NOV., 1 857.
"We had a third change of commanders, and got
in exchange for him a General Wilson of the Artillery.
I never served under a man, and I have now served
under or with a considerable number, for whom I
had less respect, or on whose judgment and capacity
I had less reliance. He was our nominal Commander,
and as any failure would have re-acted on him in that
position with greater severity than on any other, it is
therefore just and right that he should have his fair
share of rewards.
"Looking back now to the events of the Siege, I can
most truly say that the General was scarcely less an
obstacle to be overcome than the walls of the place,
or the bayonets of the garrison.
" No considerations less vital than those involved in
our success or failure at Delhi could possibly have
reconciled me to serving under him.
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136 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
"To me the whole period of the Siege was of course
one of deep and unbroken anxiety, aggravated greatly
by the total absence of all moral or material support
from the General, whose whole soul seemed to be
absorbed by providing for protecting himself from
blame in case of failure, by showing that his Chief
Engineer would have his own way, and would pay
no attention to his advice.
" He bothered my life out with an incessant flood of
petty arid peevish letters, which I could not always
throw aside, but was obliged to answer to the
detriment of more important matters.
" Some of his proposals were so frantic that I made
no attempt to discuss them, but treating them * imper-
ceptibly,' held on my way.
" I never had much real doubt as to the issue, but
I must say it was a moment of inexpressible relief
and satisfaction to me, when I saw the living floods
flowing free and unchecked over the crests of the
breaches and through the demolished Gate, and
watched in vain for any ebb.
"My chief responsibility ceased with this success,
and I felt that come what might hereafter the plan
of attack had accomplished its main objects.
Affectly. yours,
(sd.) «R. Baird Smith."
EXTRACT FROM BAIRD SMITH'S LETTER TO HIS
FATHER, DATED 28 OCT., 1857.
"You will perhaps be somewhat surprised that I
should have said nothing of General Wilson who
commanded the force. The simple truth is that I
have such contempt for his military capacity, and
found him throughout the Siege operations so uniformly
obstructive by his dread of responsibility, and his
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EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO HIS FATHER 137
moral timidity that I say as little about him as I can.
" I believe his mind to have been off its usual balance
all the time we were at work, and he was literally
more difficult to deal with than the enemy. It was
only by constantly reminding him that if he interfered
with my plans, I would throw the whole responsibility
for the consequences on him, that I could get on
at all."
" The satisfactory results of a four months' campaign
in which were concentrated as much of human endur-
ance and heroism as the world has ever seen. I say
this without hesitation, though it seems like self-
laudation; but I am not thinking of myself at all, but
of the brave fellows of whose work I was a daily
witness; and while I live, I will never find language
strong enough to express my admiration of what I saw."
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APPENDIX I.
LIEUTENANT NORMAN'S LEITER TO LIEUTENANT-
COLONEL BAIRD SMITH, DATED I9 JUNE, 185/.
'*Mv dear Sir,
'*The appointment of Major Laughton as Chief
Engineer possibly surprised you, as it certainly did
many others. The nomination was opposed by Colonel
Chester, but without effect, owing to other influence
being at work.
"The result has been most unfortunate, as possibly
you may have heard from your brother officers
in camp. At present, the Engineer Department is
altogether without a head, and it has become imper-
atively necessary to make some change. The next
officer in point of rank is Lieutenant Greathed, who
acts as A.D.C. to Sir H. Barnard, and has advised
him a good deal, not always I think with judgment.
Anyhow, it seems certain that he would not do for
the post of Chief Engineer at a siege like this; for
into a siege, the affair is resolving itself.
"You have been named to General Reed as emin-
ently qualified for the direction of the engineer duties,
and in consequence. Sir J. Lawrence was yesterday
(by telegraph from Kurnal) requested to recall Major
Laughton to his proper duties, and he was informed
I Col. Chas. Chester, 23rd N.I., Adjt.-Genl. of the army.
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LETTER FROM LT. NORMAN 139
that this was desirable on public grounds, and that
if done, it was proposed to bring you as Chief Engineer.
"There can be no doubt that he will comply, and
it is presumed that you will be ready to come over
here.
"Roorkee, I doubt not, will feel your loss much, but
you have made it tolerably secure, it is hoped; and
here the battle of the Empire is to be fought. So
certain does it seem that Laughton will be recalled,
and so precious is time, that it would seem desirable
you should start, if possible, even without waiting to
hear from me again, though I hope to be able to
inform you to-morrow, or the next day, that Laughton's
recall has been satisfactorily arranged.
" Chesney, the Brigade-Major of Engineers, was going
to give me a list of our wants in your department,
but will not be able to do so before dak hour. He,
however, tells me that all the engineer stores at
Roorkee would be most useful minus the pontoon
train, and we also want 30,000 sandbags, made or
unmade, and six hundred pioneers.
" The engineering details of our operations you will
hear from other sources ; but of the troops we have,
1 can speak in the very highest terms. Though few
in number, they can be trusted for any enterprise that
man can reasonably dare. We have reinforcements
coming that will bring up our force to upwards of
5,000 Infantry and 1,100 Cavalry, with 34 Field Guns,
2 24-Prs., 8 i8-Prs., 6 8" Howrs., 4 8" Mortars and
12 s" Mortars.
"All our reinforcements should be here early in July,
some much sooner.
" If you like to leave without waiting for any further
communication, General Reed will arrange that the
order appointing you Chief Engineer shall appear in
ample time; but if you wait one day, I hope to be
able to give you positive information of Laughton's
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I40 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
recall, without which there may be some little difficulty
in your position.
"The road from here to Umballa is open, and the
bridge of boats at Bhagput (should you come that
way) is held by a party of Irregulars with an Euro-
pean officer.
"Believe me,
"Yours very truly,
(Signed) "H. W. Norman,
"Lt., Asst. Adjt-Genl. of the Army.
"Camp before Delhi,
"19 June, 1857."
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APPENDIX II.
GENERAL ARCHDALE WILSON'S LETTERS TO COL.
BAIRD SMITH DURING THE SIEGE.
A COLLECTION of over sixty of these letters are still
extant. Of these, no less than thirty-two were sent
in the ten days from the date of the arrival of the
siege train up to the day of the assault, and ten of
these were sent on the 13th and 14th September.
Many of these {i,e,, those written during the siege
operations) are carping and querulous, and greatly
calculated to irritate anyone less steadfast and strong-
minded than Baird Smith was. A few of these are
given below to show the immense difficulties placed
in Baird Smith's way owing to the tone adopted by
Genl. Wilson.
"My dear Smith, **7 Sept.
" We shall never get on in this manner, because I
told you, you were asking more than the means at
my disposal would allow me to sanction. You say
all your calculations are valueless, and even waste
labour; and seem inclined to throw all the work as
well as responsibility on me. I have already more
than I can manage, and my head gets into such a
state that I feel nearly mad sometimes. For God's
sake don't drive me quite so."
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142 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
9th September, 1857.
" In reply to the Chief Engineer's Memorandum of
this date, explaining his reasons for not opening any
of the Siege Batteries on the left until No. 3 Battery
is armed, I regret to say I cannot coincide with him."
(Baird Smith remarks, "You should have done as
the result shewed.")
"By this arrangement I consider that the two days'
Battering of No. i have been completely thrown
away, and that a large number of artillery men and
a large quantity of ammunition had been needlessly
expended."
(Baird Smith remarks, "Quite the reverse 1 The
loss in the Key Battery was indeed serious, but
trifling in comparison with that which must have
resulted from General Wilson's plan, with the small
help for working parties and manning batteries 11")
" A great and useless delay has, in my opinion, also
taken place, which will greatly encourage the enemy
and discourage our own troops, more particularly the
working parties, who were led to believe they would
only be called upon for such extra exertion for a very
short period, but will now by the miscalculation and
want of arrangement on the part of the Engineer
Dept. be continued for four days and nights, perhaps
longer.
" I consider that by opening the Batteries No. 2 the
guns of the enemy on the Cashmere bastion will be
quickly silenced and rendered harmless, and that the
route pointed out by Colonel Smith will thereby be
rendered safer than it now is.
" I shall not, however, oppose myself to the wishes
of the Chief Engineer, but as I cannot coincide with
him, it will be better that in future he makes ^ all his
requisitions regarding the arming of the batteries, direct
I Baird Smith remarks, "How unjust."
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LETTERS FROM GENERAL WILSON 143
to Major Gaitskill, commanding the Artillery, and for
working parties to the Asst. Adjt.-Genl. of the Forces.
(sd.) "A. Wilson.
To this memorandum of nth Sept. Baird Smith
wrote a protest, desiring that the matter might be
submitted for the consideration and orders of the
Governor-General in Council.
The draft is incomplete, extends to nearly three
pages, but breaks off at the sixth paragraph.
Probably Baird Smith having more important matters
to attend to, could not finish it, and let the matter
pass in the interests of duty.
Memo.
"50 pieces of ordnance with 300 rounds of ammu-
nition per piece are to be placed in No. 2 and 3
Batteries on the same night, between the time the
Batteries are reported ready to receive them and day-
break. Is this possible ? I say it is perfectly impossible.
"A. W.
''Sept. loth."
Baird Smith remarks on this — ** Whose fault?"
It may be remarked also that the number of guns
to be placed in the batteries was not 50, but 38.
'*My dear Smith,
" Kaye*s battery is terribly enfiladed by the enemy's
light guns. I hope you are giving him the protection
of an epaulment. If an Engineer officer had to stay
in the battery until it was done, it would soon be
run up.
" I ith Sept."
(sd.) "A. Wilson.
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144 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
"My dear Smith,
*' I send you a report from Scott of the state of his
battery. I must request you will insist upon your
officers having this battery properly repaired to-night.
Considering 5iat the Artillery officers perform ten
times * the woric yours do, I do not think they ought
to make the excuse of being tired, to save the lives
of their brothers blue.
"Yours sincerely,
(sd.) "A. Wilson.
«*i2 Sept."
I Baird Smith wrote on this ^both worked nobly, and in one
spirit."
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APPENDIX III.
LETTER FROM DR. JOHN SMITH (COL. BAIRD SMITH'S
BROTHER) TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH, DATED
l6 JULY, 1 87 1.
" I SEE in the Blue Book of the Mutinies, a letter
signed 'Felix', embodied in Norman's narrative, in
which Taylor is spoken of as having had the entire
superintendence of the work at this busy time. I
have little doubt that on this statement has rested the
report of his having fairly earned the credit of being
the Engineer who took Delhi. The letter signed
•Felix' is said to have been written by an Engineer,
but his name is not given.
••Anyhow it is plain from what we know that this
statement is wrong. Captain Taylor was merely
•Director of Trenches', his work being purely ex-
ecutive, and he never had the chief superintendence
for a moment until Delhi was entirely in our hands;
and it is clear that the directing hand was never
slackened, and that Richard ^ could hardly have done
more had he been in the strongest health and in no
way disabled."
The exact words of * Felix' are :
" For the complete success that attended the prose-
cution of the Siege the chief credit is undoubtedly
I CoL Baird Smith.
10
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
146 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
due to Colonel R. Baird Smith, the Chief Engineer,
and to Captain Taylor, the Director of the attack.
On this latter officer in fact, in consequence of the
Chief Engineer being wounded, devolved the entire
superintendence of the Siege works."
Although I cannot be quite certain who was the
writer 'Felix', I believe him to have been Lieutenant
G. T. Chesney (afterwards Sir George Chesney), who was
Brigade-Major of Engineers at the Siege, and he, it
seems to me, could hardly have helped knowing that
although Captain Taylor had done splendid work as
Chief Executive, he was in no way responsible for
the plan of attack, which was entirely the work of
Colonel Baird Smith. It was Taylor's place to attend
to the execution of the works, but this was in no way
* in consequence of Baird Smith being wounded.' Had
he not been wounded Taylor would have had precisely
the same duties. It was wrong to couple the two
names in the first sentence; the second sentence is
unjust to Baird Smith, and misleading.
'Felix' goes on to make some further remarks
which would seem also to be intended to apply to
Taylor. They should with greater reason have refer-
ence to Baird Smith. He says — "The plan of attack
was bold and skilful ; the nature of the enemy we
were contending with was exactly appreciated and our
plans shaped accordingly." — " With plenty of skilled
workmen the Siege works might have been more
speedily constructed; but with the wretched means at
our disposal the wonder is so much was done with
so little loss."
" If the Siege of Delhi was not a regular siege in
the same sense with that of Bhurtpore and Sering-
apatam, it may yet bear a fairer comparison with a
greater than either — ^that of Sebastopol. In both the
strength of the fortifications was as nothing; it was
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
LETTER FROM SIR CHARLES REID 147
the proportion of besieged to besiegers, the magnitude
of the arsenal inside, and the impossibility of a thorough
investment that constituted the real strength of the
place ; in fact neither were, properly speaking, sieges,
but rather attacks on an army in a strongly entrenched
position.**
General Sir Charles Reid had sent to Mrs. Baird
Smith his letters and notes regarding the Siege, which
he had printed for private circulation only, and in
these the same mistake having been made, Mrs. Baird
Smith, in February, 1882, wrote to Sir Charles, pointing
out the mistake at some length, and requesting him
to correct the misstatement.
On the 20th February, 1882, Sir Charles Reid wrote
to Mrs. Baird Smith — "With regard to my having
made it appear that * the entire superintendence of the
Siege operations devolved on Taylor,* I was under
the impression that Baird Smith had been badly
wounded and quite disabled; but when interrogated
by Colonel MuUeson I told him just what he has
recorded in his work.
"Had the Extracts of Letters and Notes been sent
for publication, I should have read them over carefully,
and have corrected what you in truth say might be
misleading ; and it pains me now to think that I should
have placed the pamphlet in your hands for perusal,
or have inadvertently detracted from the value of his
services at Delhi, but I was misinformed as to the
nature of his wound, and as, you know, I never left
the Ridge until I was wounded myself, I had no
opportunity of ascertaining the facts of the case.
Personally, you are aware, I had the warmest regard
for, and highest opinion of your lamented husband;
and the rewards I have received for my own services
I owe in a great measure, I believe, to the opinion
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
148 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
he gave of them in his letter, an extract of which
appears in the record of my services. I only wish I
had never sent the original to Colonel Norman, for
I never saw it again. Fortunately I kept a copy of it.
"Yours very sincerely,
(sd.) "Charles Reid."
• « ♦
EXTRACTS FROM MR. HARRY MARTEN'S LETTERS
TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH.
Mr. Marten first met Baird Smith in 1840, and saw
a very great deal of him afterwards, being employed
by Cols. Cautley and Baker in their offices at Roorkee.
For three years before the Mutiny he was the head
of Colonel Baird Smith's office, and when that officer
was ordered to Delhi, he took Mr. Marten with him
as his secretary ; and throughout the Siege Mr. Marten
was with him. Mr. Marten had therefore every oppor-
tunity of seeing Colonel Baird Smith under every
emergency.
Mr. Marten afterwards attained a high position, and
became Controller of P. W. Account at Allahabad.
In letter dated 19 Feb., 1862, he says:
•' Well do I know what a trying time Delhi was to
him until he had Genl. Nicholson to endorse his
views, and the vigour of both was allowed full play.
" I witnessed how enduringly he bore up against pain
and sickness until his work was done; and highly as
I had thought of him before I had still further proof
of his nobility of character."
In letter of the i8th June, 1871, he says:
"Captain Taylor worked like a horse, but he was
essentially Executive, and Colonel Baird Smith was
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARTEN'S LETfERS 149
the Director, and more actual bodily labour would fall
to the share of the former than the latter.
'* It was on the Sth July that I rejoined Colonel Smith
at Delhi.
"The first thing noticed was that the enemy daily
attacked and drew out our forces to follow them, and
caused us severe losses. Colonel Baird Smith soon
remedied this, by entrenching our positions, and got
orders issued that our men were to wait for attack,
with a great saving to life.
** Preparations went on with vigour, and Colonel Snjith
was everywhere directing. He was wounded on the 1 2th
of August (nearly six weeks after arrival). The wound
was in itself trifling, and he went about as usual
among the defences and directed everything, giving
himself no rest, and having frequent consultations with
General Nicholson.
On the 23rd of August his wound became painful ; but
on that day there was a grand council of war, and his
orders immediately after showed that we should soon
be on the offensive. I do not think anyone thought
much of his foot after that, and I know that he hid
his suffering much, and that great activity went on in
the Engineer's Park, etc , but no actual advance could
He made till the arrival of the siege train which took
place on the 4th of Sept.
" On night of the 7th No. i Battery was completed,
and opened on the Sth ; on the 1 2th everything was com-
pleted, and a continuous fire kept up. On night of the
1 3th breaches were examined, and an assault ordered on
early morning of the 14th. I did not accompany the
columns, but before leaving the camp. Colonel Smith told
me that the Commander in Chief, himself, and the Staft
would direct operations from the top of Ludlow Castle,
and that I was to remain where I was, and do what I
could for the wounded as they came up. On the i Sth
Colonel Smith sent for me, and I found him at the
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
ISO RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
temporary Head Quarters. He went out by himself
the 1 6th night, reconnoitring for a good position from
which to shell the Palace and Magazine, had fallen
into a trench cut across a lane he was traversing, and
owing to the weak foot, had been powerless to protect
himself, and he hurt his arm considerably. But he
did not give way, and as soon as I had written some
telegrams for Brigadier Chamberlain he commenced
dictating to me his despatch. This went on daily, the
troops getting more and more hold of Delhi, and on
the 20th we had it all.
" On the evening of the 2 1 st Colonel Smith told me that
he had ordered the Engineers' Brigade to take up its
quarters in Durriagunj the next morning, and that he
and I would go at once and stop there. I considered
this a very risky thing to do— suggested we should
be quite alone, and that there might be still many
rebels lurking about; but he pooh-poohed this, and
we went there accordingly. On the 22nd the Brigade
was all in its quarters; there was no more fighting
at Delhi to be done, and the state of his health
obliged him to ask, and obtain permission to make
over the Chief Engineership to Captain Taylor, and
return to his civil duties. On the 23rd of Sept. he left
Delhi, and reached Roorkee on the 29th. His health was
now in a bad state — excitement being over, reaction
set in ; but in addition to his civil duties, he still held
military command of the Districts of Saharunpore and
Mozuffemuggur, and organised a force to be sent into
Rohilcund.
" He had great fortitude and perseverance. From the
day the troubles arising out of the mutinies commenced,
it seemed to me that there was on his part an entire
abnegation of self.
" In respect to Roorkee, I know that he felt that the
welfare and safety of the whole community, including
the native population within that part of the Sahar-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARTEN'S LETTERS 151
unpore district in which he could act, depended on
him ; and I have already referred to the quiet but firm
way in which he managed everything, and the success-
ful results at Delhi. I heard it openly and frequently
expressed that Colonel Smith had done most admirable
work both for the Siege and for the safety of the
force whilst it was on the defensive, which his pre-
decessors had never thought of, and as Director he
worked with a power altogether beyond his real
strength; and he was wanting in nothing that tended
to the proper administration of the Brigade of which
he was the Chief, and of its duties, as an element of
the Siege. The only thing that ever struck me was
that for those that did not know him, there was a
want of display in the way he went about everything,
which probably made the immense amount of work
he went through in the most cool and intrepid but
unostentatious manner, less appreciated than it ought
to have been. That, however, was the character of
his nature."
LETTER OF 2STH JUNE TO DR. JOHN SMITH.
" It never occurred to me that Colonel Smith, even
after the 23rd of August had given up one iota of his
command of the Engineer Brigade, or that his power
of directing was in any way impaired. He did his duty
as Director just as he had before, and my recollection of
the time is that after the 23 rd of August when the deci-
sion was come to for active preparations for the assault,
and especially after the 4th of Sept. when the Siege
train arrived, and without which the batteries could
not of course be armed, we were all so engaged in
our different ways that Colonel Smith's wounded foot
was little thought of by any of us, which may be
taken as presumptive evidence that he did not parade
bis sufferings even if they were great.
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iS2 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
" On the day and night of the 13th he was frequently
with me, directing me how to copy and extract from his
orders, and to prepare block plans showing the parts
of the city to be operated on and the streets to be
traversed by each column and party after it had
effected its entrance, for the guidance of Commanders.
** I know that Captain Taylor was lauded by everyone
for the untiring energy he displayed in the construction
of the advanced batteries ; but this I take it, was his
natural work, and that the Chief Engineer having
confidence in his aide, would not necessarily be away
from his more special post when he had to receive
reports, give orders for the whole Brigade and consult
with the other chiefs.
" I know also, that at the time I thought things were
ordered and carried out just as they should be. Colonel
Smith went out and in just as before, seldom enlarg-
ing on what he had done, but he did all that one in
chief command would be expected to do, when there
was no necessity for his sharing the Executive work,
as well as doing all the directing.
"That what Captain Taylor did was a great effort
is certain, for I know that shortly after tilie assault,
he returned to Head Quarters, and slept for a great
number of hours, the rest being required for the many
days and nights it was understood he had not slept.
" Meanwhile the assault had been carried, and Colonel
Smith was at his post at the Head Quarters in Delhi.
My notes show that as soon as we occupied a part of
Delhi on the 14th, mortar batteries, etc., were established.
It is certain that Captain Taylor had nothing to do
with that, for on the 14th, and I believe the isth, he
was asleep; and Colonel Smith's arm was not hurt
till the 1 6th or third night after we had got into Delhi.
"My impression was that, with the exception of
shelling other parts of the city actively, we did but
very little in an offensive way during the first few
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EXTRACTS FROM MR. MARTEN'S LETTERS 153
days after getting In, as for a day or two our men
were not in hand sufficiently for more than defending
what we had got.
"Colonel Smith was fully capable throughout of
directing, and that he did his part in this well, with
great coolness, but without the display which he might
have exercised had he cared more for what others
would say ; and as regards the Executive, Captain Taylor
as second in command, was most devoted to his work,
laboriously and energetically carrying it out regard-
less of self.
"But the same spirit, with very rare exceptions,
pervaded every man of the Engineer Brigade, from
highest to lowest, and I was throughout the Siege
surprised at the unselfish and devoted way all worked.
Captain Taylor's duties were necessarily in the field,
and his being chief of the Executive gave prominence
to the energy he brought to bear on the work. He
is entitled to every praise for what he did in his
capacity; but I do not see how this could detract in
any way from the Director, except it could be shown
that the Director was unable to direct, and which I
am quite sure cannot at any stage of the Siege be
charged against Colonel Smith.**
LETTER DATED 1ST JULY, 1 87 1, TO DR. JOHN SMITH.
"Captain Taylor*s return to camp was after the
position gained on the 14th was made good.
" My impression is that his sleep commenced on the
14th. I may be wrong, but I know that it did take
place in our old camp before the Brigade was moved
down to the Metcalfe Park.
" But I hardly see how such a matter as this really
bears on the question. As I understand it, Taylor
and other officers before the assault were bound to
do whatever Colonel Smith ordered, in respect to
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IS4 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
reconnaissance, trenches, batteries etc., and to accompany
the assaulting columns as told oil.
" They of course had to bear the brunt of the assault
just as the columns as a whole had, it was their
place. Colonel Smith's place was with General Wilson,
and he also had his Brigade-Major, Chesney, with him.
Chesney got his wound by being sent to a column
with a message from the General, I think.
" With the General, Colonel Smith no doubt entered
Delhi at the time they were expected to do.
*'Just as Home and Salkeld were told off to blow up
the Cashmere Gate, so was Taylor to accompany the
first column; but I do not see that however bravely
they performed their parts, Colonel Smith's command
is at all detracted from, unless it is argued that he
ought to have headed the assaulting column.
**To say under such circumstances that Taylor took
Delhi appears to argue that Nicholson and others did
nothing. But of course this cannot be meant. The
taking of Delhi must refer to the making of practicable
breaches admitting of the assault being carried. As I
have said, for this Taylor was second in command,
specifically styled ' Director of the Trenches,' and there
he did his work^ well and gallantly.
'* It is recorded that he suggested the placing of a
battery nearer to the walls Uian was at first decided
on, but he had to get permission for this, and the
command was never relaxed.
" Each assaulting column had similar claims, I fancy,
both on General Wilson and Colonel Smith, but it
was not expected they should head any one of them
except on emergency, which did not occur.
" It might as well be said that Colonel Smith should
have headed the Cashmere Gate party, as the post of
greatest danger.
"The whole question indeed is in a nut-shell — 'Who
was in command?'
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LETTERS FROM DR. E. HARE 155
" Every single individual at the assault might equally
claim that he took Delhi ; but General Wilson was in
command of all, and Colonel Smith was in command
of the Engineer Brigade and he held that command
and carried on its duties until he voluntarily resigned it.
** It was not his place to be in command, and do the
Executive work also.
"Very truly yours,
(sd.) "Harry Marten.*'
LETTER DATED I ITH SEPT., 1 872, TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH.
" I have been much pleased too, with the additional
proofs that Dr. Smith has obtained, and published
lately, that all I have said about Colonel Smith's
sustained command until he resigned it, is confirmed,
and I hope there is no longer a doubt about history
doing him full justice.
"Yours very sincerely,
(sd.) "Harry Marten."
LETTERS FROM DR. E. HARE, FORMERLY
SURGEON, 2ND BENGAL EUROPEANS, DATED 6 JULY, 1870,
WHO SERVED THROUGHOUT THE SIEGE.
"That Brind armed his battery, without cover, under
a heavy fire, and with these guns cleared the walls,
and enabled our men to pass the breach; and that
when we were in the town, he pushed forward on his
own responsibility, took the Jumma musjid, and thus
surrounded, and compelled the King to fly from, the
Palace; is notorious to the whole army. We never
could have taken Delhi but for his gallantry.'*
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
iS6 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
ANOTHER, DATED 3RD JULY, 187O.
** But for Colonel Baird Smith and Brind's help we
never could have taken Delhi, and that every one in
the besieging army knew full well."
EXTRACT FROM LETTER FROM ROBT. CRAIG, ESQ.,
TO MRS. BAIRD SMITH, DATED 23RD MARCH, 1 867.
** Major Lind's conversation at Thomastown, which
I think you would like to hear. He seems to have
been at the head of some Irregular Horse ^ and to
have got employment in the Queen's service after
having been all his life in the Company's service. He
knew Richard (Colonel Baird Smith) very well, and
spoke in the highest terms of Ijis services at Delhi.
He considered Delhi the turning-point in the Mutiny,
and that, as Sir John Lawrence telegraphed, if Delhi
was not taken India was lost; and he was of opinion
that the two people who took Delhi were Baird
Smith and Nicholson. He also had a strong feel-
ing of the injustice done to the army at Delhi, as
having had no adequate recognition of their great
merit."
Major (afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel) J. B. Lind was
a distinguished officer, who entered the Indian Army in
1846, and in 1857 was commanding a wing of 5th
Punjab Infantry at Hoti Murdan. He raised and com-
manded a. body of Mooltanee Horse, with which he
was present at the Siege of Delhi. He was much
engaged on service after the Siege, was twice wounded,
and had chargers shot and wounded under him five
times. He was repeatedly mentioned in despatches,
and received the thanks of the Governor-General in
Council and the Punjab Government for services dur-
I Mooltanee Horse.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
EXTRACT FROM MR. GREATHED'S LETTERS 157
ing the Campaign. He retired 7 Jan., 1874, and only
died Feb. 1897.
* * *
The extract below from the letters of Hervey
H. Greathed, Esq., B.C.S., Commissioner and Political
Agent at Delhi, ^ serves to show the opinion of a
distinguished man on the spot, regarding the character
of Baird Smith's work. It will be found on page
250 of his published letters, dated Sth September, after
the arrival of the Siege train.
^*I have not seen the programme of operations, but
every day's work is chalked out and written down in
elaborate detail. Baird Smith is not a man to forget
the smallest trifle."
"Mr. Greathed and his family had a very narrow
escape with their lives at Meerut, on the night of
the loth of May.
"He proceeded with the troops under Wilson to
Delhi, and was present at the battles of the Hindun.
He remained in camp throughout the Siege, and lived
long enough to witness our troops enter the city, but
he fell a victim to cholera on Sept. 19th, one day
before the work was completed, and thus was lost to
the service a very meritorious officer." *
He had two brothers with him at Delhi — Edward
(afterwards Sir Edward), Colonel of 8th Regiment, and
William Wilberforce Harris Greathed (afterwards Major
General, C.B.), Bengal Engineers, both of them greatly
distinguished.
Hervey Greathed's services at Delhi and his lamented
death are noticed at pages 641-642 of Kaye's 3rd
Volume.
1 He was intimately acquainted with all that was going on, and
was present at aU the Councils of War.
2 Memorials of Old Haileybury CoUege, pp. 599-600.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
APPENDIX IV.
An attempt has been made to deny that General
Wilson on the 14th September had thought of with-
drawing his troops from the city to the 'Ridge', but
a perusal of Baird Smith's letter to his wife, and the
following letter from General Sir Neville Chamberlain
to Colonel S. Dew6 White, must effectually remove
all doubt upon this point. The latter is dated Lords-
wood, Soutiiampton, 24 Jan. 1884.
"Dear Sir,
"I have received, and now return to you as re-
quested, the extract which accompanied your letter
of 2 1 St.
**I am unable to accept the view you take as to
my having been under an 'erroneous impression'
and having 'drawn a hasty conclusion' with regard
to the meaning of General Wilson's note to me on
the afternoon of the 14th of Sept. (1857).
"I understood at the time, and I still hold to the
belief that the General's note to me referred to the
question as to whether in my opinion he should hold
on to what we possessed of the city, or whether he
should withdraw from it.
"In one paragraph of that note. General Wilson says
'I want your advice', and at the end of the note
he says, *I have just heard that you have returned
to camp, but still ask your opinion and advice.*
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LETTER FROM GENL. CHAMBERLAIN 159
'*If the opinion and advice asked for did not refer
to withdrawal, to what other question could it have
referred? — The note was written about 4 p.m. It
was at that time beyond dispute that our troops were
exhausted, and somewhat dispirited. Three of our
columns of attack (exclusive of the Cashmere contingent)
having failed to realise what had been expected of
them.
** General Wilson uses the words — * Our numbers are
frightfully reduced, and we have lost so many senior
officers that the men are not under proper control —
indeed I doubt if they could be got to do anything
dashing.* Again he says — 'If the Hindoo Rao
picquets cannot be moved, I do not think we shall
be strong enough to take the city.*
"I can only repeat that I replied to the General's
note entirely in the sense that he had asked my
opinion whether under the existing circumstances it
was right to hold on to what we possessed of the city,
or to withdraw.
** Unless the alternative of withdrawal was passing
through General Wilson's mind when he wrote to me,
what could have been his object in asking my opinion?
There was assuredly no occasion why he should ask
me how he could best make secure for the night the
very small portion of the town which was in our
possession, and I submit that by no reasonable inter-
pretation could his words be construed into that meaning.
'* The possibility of further advance had been proved
impracticable.
"Again I would ask, whether it is reasonable that
had I so entirely misrepresented the meaning of
General Wilson*s note, as to reply to it as I did,
would he not have taken the earliest opportunity of
correcting my error, instead of waiting as you seem
to conclude might have been the case, until I had
questioned him upon the subject?
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i6o RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
"The point was certainly not one of trivial impor-
tance, and therefore not such as to be passed over by
the General.
"Captain Tumbull was the A.D.C. who brought
me the note. Major (now Lieutenant-General) Daly
was the only other British officer with me at the time.
Both of these officers, I am convinced understood this
note in the sense I put upon it, and both these
officers were aware of the nature of my reply. My
right arm was then useless to me, and my answer
was dictated, and was given to the A.D.C. to take
to the General.
" Whether Captain TurnbuU is alive, I know not ; but
General Daly is living in the Isle of Wight.
" I am unable to say upon what authority Kaye and
Malleson quote Baird Smith. ^ I only know that Baird
Smith told me on my first joining Head Quarters
inside Delhi, that General Wilson had asked his opinion
in the alternoon of the 14th Sept. as to the advisability
of withdrawing from the city.
" The facts of the case as having reference to myself,
are as I have stated them to be, and I am unable to
see how the evidence of others, or their opinions, or
their conclusions can in any way be held to invalidate
my testimony.
" I have never said that General Wilson intended to
withdraw the troops. I merely say that he asked my
opinion on that point, and that Baird Smith told me that
he had consulted him as to the advisability of with-
drawal; beyond this I know nothing. I will only add
that General Wilson was in error in supposing that I
had returned to camp ; I received the note at Hindoo
Rao's, which I did not leave till the evening, and then
only to go and see my friend John Nicholson. If
after the receipt of what I have now written, you still
hold to the opinion expressed in your letter to me, I
I Col. Baird Smithes own letter to his wife.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
SIR H. NORMAN IN THE ' FORTNIGHTLY » i6i
think I may ask that in fairness to myself, and to
the memory of Baird Smith, you will also publish my
reply as a note to your work.
"Yours faithfully,
(sd.) "Neville Chamberlain.'*
4: s{: 4:
The statement about Wilson being nervous and
suggesting withdrawal is true —
See Kaye, Vol. 3, pages 617 — 618 and note;
Malleson, Vol. 2, pages 55 — 57 and note.
Additional MS. evidence which proves truth with-
out a shadow of doubt.
On Sept. 14 Chamberlain received a letter from Wil-
son which he understood as implying that Wilson
thought of withdrawing troops from the city. Cham-
berlain answered it showing that he understood it in
this sense, and Wilson never repudiated his conclusion.
The purport of answer was that Wilson had no alter-
native but to hold on. Baird Smith distinctly told
Chamberlain that Wilson had thought about retiring.
Moreover Wilson consulted Brind, who said, "God
had favoured us so far, and would not desert us.**
Sir Henry Norman wrote an elaborate defence of
Wilson in the "Fortnightly**, April, 1883, in which he
said : —
"In spite of wretched health Wilson did his best,
and that considering the circumstances, it is no wonder
if he desponded.**
"That he did his best has never been denied,
but does not prove him an able General.
" That he desponded is not wonderful, but as Baird
Smith and others whose health was as bad did not
II
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
i62 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
despond^ it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that
he was less stout of heart than they^ *
Page 1 20, Complete History of Indian Mutiny^ by
Colonel S. Dew^ White. —
" All honour be paid to Colonel Baird Smith, a man
of indomitable pluck and f)erseverance, who warned
Brigadier-General Wilson on his assumption ot the
command (17th July), that to raise the Siege would
be fatal to our national interests. *It is our duty'%
he said, 'to retain the grip we have upon Delhi and
to hold on like grim Death till the place is our own.' "
REGARDING ARTICLE BY SIR HENRY NORMAN, G.C.B.,
I^ THE 'FORTNIGHTLY' APRIL 1 883.
In the article on Mr. Bosworth Smith's 'Life of
Lord Lawrence' there is an elaborate defence of
General Wilson, in which General Sir H. Norman
attempts to deny that Wilson had contemplated retire-
ment from the city to the Ridge on 14 Sept., 1857.
This includes a long statement showing how greatly
we had suffered in the assault, etc. ; what a small force
there was to protect the camp and hospitals; how
Nicholson was reported dead; how Reid's force had
been driven back and Reid wounded; how Brigadier
Campbell's force had failed to retain its advanced
position, and the Brigadier been wounded, etc.
In fact everything is brought forward to make our
position seem as bad as possible, and then he says:
"If Wilson said anything of a desponding character,
it was hardly to be wondered at."
General Norman further says: "He never heard
Wilson propose to retire, and that none of his Staff
heard of it." He goes on to say, "I was with him
I Holmes' History of Mutiny.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
SIR H. NORMAN IN THE 'FORTNIGHTLY' 163
throughout the day, except for short periods of
absence on various duties.*'
It will be observed that the evidence adduced by
Norman is entirely of a negative character. It would
be well to know what General Norman means by
^* short periods of absence*'.
In another part of his paper when he is discussing
the question of drunkenness of the soldiers on the 14th,
he says that "during that day I went all over the
positions occupied by our troops," and how this can
be reconciled with the statement that he was only
absent for short periods is not very clear.
It may well be that during some of those absences
the fact which he attempts to deny, actually took place.
In contrast to the negative evidence produced by
General Norman we have the positive statement of
Baird Smith himself in a letter to his wife — "and
even that assault which gave value by its success to
all the exertions that were made, would have ended
in a deplorable disaster if I had not withstood with
effect the desire of General Wilson to withdraw the
troops from the city on the failure of Brigadier
Campbell's column."
In addition to this we have the letter of General
Sir Neville Chamberlain, published in Colonel S. Dew^
White's book on the Mutiny, which also completely
settles the matter. But if any further proof is required
it is forthcoming in the Memorandum written to Kaye
by a Field Officer (name not given by Kaye) who
heard the conversation near Skinner's House. Kaye
calls this "the clearest possible proof". This will be
found in a note, page 618, of Kaye's 3rd Volume.
Lord Roberts in his book lately published, says —
"During the afternoon of the 14th, Norman, Johnson
and I, at the General's desire and for his information,
visited every position occupied by our troops within
the city waJls, and were able to report to Wilson
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
i64 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
that our troops were holding the walls from the Water
Bastion to Kabul Gate (a good mile in length) in
sufficient strength.
" While engaged on this duty we (Norman, Johnson
and I) were attacked by a party of the enemy,'* — a
fight ensued and Roberts' horse was shot.
All this must have taken considerable time. The
note to Chamberlain was written at 4 p.m., at a time
when probably Norman was absent witii Johnson and
Roberts.
It is clear also from page 57 of Malleson's Vol. 2,
that Captain Edwin Johnson, the Adj.-Genl. of Artillery,
gave the same advice to Wilson, and he would not
have advised unless his opinion had been asked. It
should be remembered that Johnson had shared
Wilson's tent.
General Norman states apropos of the unfavourable
opinion Nicholson held of Wilson, that ** Nicholson
disliked Wilson ", meaning thereby that he was preju-
diced against him. But why did Nicholson dislike
Wilson? Simply because he had no steadfastness and
determination; and because he thought Wilson was
an obstruction to the work in hand, and would have
to be removed if his opposition was not manageable
in any other way.
General Norman finds fault with the officer who
told Nicholson that Wilson proposed to withdraw ; but
it is impossible to see any justification for censure*
Nicholson although wounded, was quite keen about
the capture, and his mind as clear as ever. Keenly
anxious to hear how things were going, it was but
natural that he should be told of such a dreadful
contingency.
His remarks regarding shooting Wilson need not
be taken "au pied de la lettre". It was merely a
very strong expression of his indignation at the very
idea of retiring from Delhi. It is not stated who
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SIR H. NORMAN IN THE 'FORTNIGHTLY' 165
told Nicholson, but it is possible it was Chamberlain
himself, for that officer paid a visit to Nicholson the
same evening.
General Norman says — "Much might be said to
show that Wilson, under most trying circumstances
and in the worst health, exercised his command with
judgment."
On the contrary, very much can be shown to prove
that he was wanting in judgment and knowledge, that
he was irritable, peevish and weak, changing his
opinion when absent from the influence of the indom-
itable will of Baird Smith, acting often without tact,
and being occasionally almost frantic from doubt and
despondency.
General Norman in this article repeats a statement
he had in his priginal narrative— "AH honour to him
(Wilson) etc., etc.", which might have been with far
greater justice applied to Baird Smith.
General Norman further has the hardihood to say
that **It is doubtful if there was any officer before
Delhi in 1857, though there were many there who
possessed high qualities, who could have captured the
pfece, except Wilson."
This is an astounding assertion to make, and is quite
unjustifiable, when we know that among those present
were Baird Smith, Nicholson, Chamberlain, Hope
Grant and many other fine soldiers with whom
Wilson could bear no comparison.
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APPENDIX V.
NOTES FROM VARIOUS BOOKS REGARDING BAIRD SMITH.
MallesotCs Summary of Indian Mutiny : —
**For the decision to assault the rebellious city
Baird Smith then was responsible/'
Regarding question of withdrawal after assault:
"The opinions of the two strong men sufficed to
decide Wilson.** (Baird Smith and Neville Cham-
berlain.)
Page 312.
"But a careful and impartial examination of corre-
spondence, public and private, has especially brought
before me amongst the most deserving tiie names
of— Baird Smith, Nicholson, Barnard, Neville Cham-
berlain, Charles Reid^JamesBrind, Johnson, Alexander
Taylor, etc.**
"With the fall of Delhi the neck of the Mutmy
was felt to be broken. Its final suppression was now
merely a question of time.**
Holmes' History of the Mutiny : —
"Another arrival hopefully expected.** (Baird Smith.)
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NOTES FROM VARIOUS BOOKS 167
Regarding Sir H. Barnard : — " The coming of Baird
Smith cheered him."
An Engineer officer writing to 'Times': —
"The great want in this action (June 28) as in all
our actions, was want of a head.*'
Regarding Wilson: —
"The new Chief was a good officer in his own
branch, but neither in heart, nor in head, was he
strong enough. Great men of action have suffered
from sensitive nerves more often than the world
suspects ; but they have become great by learning to
hold their nerve force under control. This, however,
was precisely what Wilson had not learnt to do. He
allowed himself to be irritated by trifles, not only
out of his equanimity, but also out of his urbanity.
" Hardly had he succeeded before he began to think
of retiring. Baird Smith prevented this by his firm-
ness, etc."
"Wilson wrote to Baird Smith that he could not
hope to succeed till reinforced from below. Baird
Smith insisted that the most prudent course was to
deliver assault as soon as possible. Wilson yielded,
but against his convictions, and he thus threw respon-
sibility of Siege on Baird Smith."
Wilson "Irritable and weak from anxiety and
illness, and having no firmness of character to support
him, Wilson petulantly spoke of withdrawing troops
altogether, but Baird Smith to whom he turned for
advice, insisted on his holding on."
In Holmes' History, Baird Smith noticed in pages
336, 338, 3S8> 3S9» 361, 363 and 369.
* * *
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i68 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
Colonel Baird Smith commenced an account of the
Siege of Delhi, but this he unfortunately never com*
pleted. The fragment extends to 53 pages of Fools-
cap MS., and only brings the narrative down to the 14
of July; — ^the closing remark being — "thenceforward
but one idea regulated the operations of the Engineer
Brigade— namely, to prepare by economy of men and
materials on the spot, and by collection of the same
from every available point at a distance, for — "
About one half of what Colonel Baird Smith wrote
has been incorporated by Colonel Thackeray in his
"Two Indian Campaigns", published by the Royal
Engineers' Institute, Chatham — which contains like-
nesses of Lord Napier of Magdala and Colonel Baird
Smith.
Lieutenant (now Sir Henry) Norman's "Narrative
of the Campaign in 1857 against the Mutineers at
Delhi" was published in "Selections from Letters,
Despatches, etc." at Calcutta, in 1893, by the Govern-
ment of India — and was edited by George W. Forrest,
B.A.
Pages 429 to 483. In the whole of this narrative,
extending to 55 pages, no mention is made of Colonel
Baird Smith, the Commanding Engineer— except once
in ^FeUx's* letter, when the Commanding Engineer is
* damned with faint praise*.
For convenience of reference I have given the
pages in Kaye and Malleson's Histories where refer-
ences will be found to Colonel Baird Smith, General
Wilson and Captain Taylor.
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NOTES FROM VARIOUS BOOKS 169
Baird Smith.
Vol. Page.
His character *Mtwo 4
Exhaustless energy of character. . . . K three 547
Provides for defence of Roorkee . . . Ktwo 175
Despatches troops Roorkee to Meerut. . Ktwo 175
Saves Roorkee Ktwo 177
Appointed to command Engineers at Delhi
and flies there Ktwo 563
His opinion of General Barnard .... Ktwo 568
Describes General Anson's plan of Campaign Ktwo 149
Counsels Assault of Delhi Ktwo 513
Urges General Wilson to immediate action K three 553
Mtwo 5
Works on in despite of wound and sickness M two 5
Desponding letter of General Wilson to
Baird Smith, Aug. 20th Mtwo 2
His answer to the letter Mtwo 5
Brigadier Wilson yields to his opinion as
to necessity of assaulting Delhi, but
throws responsibility on him .... Mtwo 6
His intimate knowledge of interior of Delhi K three 588
His plan for attacking Delhi, Sept. ist. . Mtwo 10
Insists on continuing assault of Delhi afterlKthree6i8
first day, Sept. 14 jMtwo 55
General Wilson.
Vol. Ktwo, pp. 65, loi, 102, 180, 184 — 188, 533, 586.
„ Kthree,pp. 555, 589, 617, 620, 622, 630, 654.
„ Mtwo, pp. 2 (note), 6, 11, 55 — 57, 60 (note), 63,.
87, 105.
Captain Taylor.
Vol. K three, pp. 573, 626.
„ Mtwo, pp. 7, 65.
I M. stands for Malleson, and K. for Kaye.
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
I70 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
The Engineer's Joumal of Siege Operations at
Delhij i8sy. — This will be published shortly at
the R. E. Institute, Brompton Barracks, Chatiiam,
and will prove of considerable interest to military
readers.
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APPENDIX VI.
EXTRACT FROM SPEECH OF LORD PANMURE, SECRETARY
OF STATE FOR WAR, WHEN MOVING VOTE OF THANKS
IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS, 8TH FEBRUARY, 1 85 8.
" I HOLD in my hand a list containing the names of
several officers both in Her Majesty's service and in
that of the East India Company who have dis-
tinguished themselves in India.
" That list, however, embraces too many names to be
mentioned on this occasion, but there are some which
I think it is but fair I should bring under your Lord-
ship's notice, although they may not form the subject
of a special vote of thanks at your hands.
"We cannot altogether pass over the names of
Chamberlain, of Greathed, and of Colonel Baird Smith
who was the Engineer under whose direction Delhi
was taken.
" The list of those officers who have won for them-
selves distinction during the recent struggle in India
is far two long for recital.
" All I can say is that, taken in conjunction, they form
a band of which England may well feel proud, and from
which great achievements may be fairly anticipated
in any future emergency, which may arise."
9|e ♦ fe
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wm^^mmm^^^^f^K*
172 RICHARD BAIRD SMITH
EXTRACT FROM LORD PALMERSTON'S SPEECH IN THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE SAME DATE.
"Colonel Baird Smith of the Engineers had the
merit of conducting, under General Wilson, all the
siege operations of Delhi with the greatest ability, and
succeeded in placing a battery within 150 yards of
the wall to be breached, a feat worthy the highest
admiration."
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